Skip to main content

Full text of "The life of the Greeks and Romans"

See other formats

Qass J3 L; 
Book- ; 








By Elf GUHL and Wi KONER. 











1. Significance of the Temple 1 — 3 

2. Preparatory Stages of Temple-building 3 — 4 

3. Temple on Mount Ocha 4—7 

4. Doric, Ionic, and Korinthian Columns 7 — 1 1 

5. Templum in Antis. — Pronaos. — Doric Beams . . . . . 11 — 13 

6. Double Templum in Antis. — Opisthodomos 13 — 1-5 

7. Prostylos. — Small Temple at Selinus 15 — 17 

8. Amphiprostylos> — Temple of Nike Apteros at Athens. — Ionic Beams. — 

Temple on the Ilissos 17—20 

a 9. Peripteros. — Development of the Colonnade. — Meaning of Pteron. — 
Peripteral Temple. — First Form. — Temple at Selinus. — Second 
Form. — Theseion at Athens. — Third and Fourth Forms. — The 

Parthenon at Athens 20 — 29 

10. Pseudodipteros. — Temple at Akragas 29 — 31 

11. Hypsethros. — Temple of Apollo near Phigalia. — Temple of Poseidon 

at Psestum. — Temple of Zeus at Olympia 31 — 37 

12. Dipteros.— Temple of Apollo at Miletos 37—40 

13. Pseudodipteros. — Temple at Selinus — Temple at Aphrodisias . . 40—43 

14. Other Forms of the Temple. — The Pound Temple. — The Double 

Temple. — Erechtheion at Athens. — The Votive Temple — Temple 

at Eleusis . - . . 43—49 

15. Fittings of the Temple. — Altars. — Altar of Zeus Hypatos at Athens. — 

The Oblation-Table 49—52 

16. Temple-Enclosure. — Portals. — Portal at Palatia. — Propylsea at S anion. 

— Temple-Enclosure and Propylsea of Eleusis. — Small Propylsea in 

the same place. — The Akropolis and Propylsea at Athens . . 52 — 59 

17. Walls of Tyrins, Mykense, Psophis, Panopeus, and Messene. — Castle 

ofTyrins • 59—62 

18. Gates ofTyrins, Phigalia and Messene. — The Lions' Gate at Mykense. 

— Gates of Orchomenos, Messene, and CEniadas . 62-^-66 

19. Towers. — Several Forms of the Tower. — Towers of Phigalia, Orcho- 

menos, Aktor, Messene, Mantinea, Keos, Andros, and Tenos . . 66 — 68 

20. Buildings of Utility. — Aqueducts. — Harbours of Pylos, Methone, and 

Ehodes. — Koads. — Bridges in Messenia. — Bridges across the Pamisos 

and Eurotas 68—73 

21. Dwelling-Houses. — The House of the Homeric Anax. — Treasuries. — 

Thesauros at Mykense. — Fountain-House in the Isle of Kos . . 73 — 78 

22. The historic Dwelling-House. — The Court. — Gynaikonitis, Pastas. — 

Door, Passage, and Court-yard. — The Hearth. — The Oupa fj,s-av\og. 
— Dwelling- House with two Courts. — The 9vpa /xicravXos. — Dwell- 

ing-House in the Isle of Delos 78 — 84 


23. Graves. — Tumuli at Marathon, Pantikapaion, and in the Isle of 
Syme. — Graves in Rocks in the Islands of iEgina, Melos, and 
Delos. — Graves of Chalke and Chilidromia. — Stone Coffins. — 
Graves atXanthos. — Facades of Tomhs at Myra and Telmessos. — 
Graves in Eocks of Kos, Rhodes, and Cyprus. — Nekropolis 
ofKyrene. — Fittings of Graves : Altars, Stones, Stelai, Columns, 

Pillars, Sarcophagi, Statues 84 — 96 

— 24. Graves. — Graves cut from the Rock in Lykia and in the Isle of 
Rhodes. — Grave-Monuments ofKyrene, Mykenae, Delphi, Carp u- 
seli, and the Isle of Amorgos.- — The Mausoleum of Halikarnas- 

sos. — The Choragic Monument of Lysikrates at Athens . . 96 — 105 
25. Palfestra and Gymnasion. — Parts of the Gymnasion. — Gymnasia at 

Hierapolis and Ephesos 105 — 110 

, 26. The Agora : its Significance. — Agorse of Delos and Aphrodisias. — 

The Tower of the Winds at Athens ...... 110—113 

\ 27. Stoae at Athens, Elis, Passtum, Thorikos, and of the Hellanodikai at 

Elis 113—115 

28. The Hippodrome. — The Hippodrome of Olympia . . . r*~~115— 118 

29. The Stadia of Laodikeia, Messene, and Aphrodisias . . . 118 — 121 

30. The Theatre : its Division. — The Spectators' Place. — Theatres of - 

Delos, Stratonikeia, Megalopolis, and Segesta. — Diazomata. — 
Theatres of Knidos and Dramyssos. — Stairs and Entrances. — 
Theatre at Sikyon. — Sitting-steps. — Theatre of Dionysos at 
Athens. — The Orchestra ; the Thymele. — The Scenic Orchestra. 
— The Stage-Building. — Proskenion and Hyposkenion. — Theatre 

of Telmessos . 121—133 

31. Seats : Diphros, Klismos, Thronos. — Footstool .... 133 — 135 

32. Couches : Kline.— Beds ......... 135—138 

,'33. Tables ' \ 138 Z.. 

34. Drawers and Boxes 138 — 140 

35. Vases. — Earthen Vessels : Places where they are found chiefly . 140 — 141 

36. Manufactory of Earthen Vessels . . . . - . . . 141—142 
^- 37. Development of Painting on Earthen Vessels 142 — 147 

38. Forms and Varieties of Earthen Vessels : Storing, Mixing, Drawing, 

and Drinking Vessels. — Crockery. — Baths 147 — 155 

39. Vessels made of Stone, Metal, and Basketwork . . . . 155 — 158 

40. Torches and Lamps. — Lighting Apparatus 158 — 159 

41. Dress. — Endymata : Chiton, Exomis, Double Chiton, Diplois, 

Ampechonion 159 — 165 

42. Dress. — Epiblemata : Himation, Tribon, Chlamys. — Materials of 

Dresses: their Colour and Ornamentation 165 — 170 

43. Dress. — Male Head- coverings 170 — 172 

44. Men's Way of Wearing the Hair . . .... 172 — 173 

45. Dress. — Women's Head- coverings and their Way of Dressing the 

Hair . . . 173—176 

46. Dress.— Shoes, Boots, &c . 176—178 

47. Dress. — Ornaments : Wreaths, Chains, Rings, Gems. — Sunshade. — 

Mirror. — Stick and Sceptre 178—183 

7M8. Female Life. — The Position of Women. — Spinning, Embroidering, 

and Weaving.— Handmills.— Women's Bath.— The Swing . . 183—190 

49. Female Life. — Marriage, Nuptial Bath, Wedding Feast. — The 

Hetairai 190—195 

50. The Education of the Boy. — Birth and Infancy. — Toys. — First 

Education. — Writing Materials 195 — 199 

51. Music. — Stringed Instruments : Lyra, Barbiton, Kithara, Phorminx, 

Trigonon. — Wind Instruments : Syrinx, Aulos, Double Aulos, 
Askaules. — Warlike Instruments. — Hydraulos.— Musical Instru- 
ments used at the Religious Rites of Bacchus and Cybele : 

Krotaloi, Cymbals, Tympanon, Sistrum 199 — 212 

52. Gymnastic and Agonistic Exercises. — Foot-race. — The Leap 




(Halteres). — Wrestling (Rubbing- of the Limbs with Oil). — 
Diskobolia. — Throwing the Spear. — Pentathlon. — Boxing. — 
Pankration 212—225 

53. Chariot-races. — Horse-races. — Game at Ball. — The Bath . . 225 — 231 

54. Armour. — The Helmet. — Cuirass. — Greaves. — Shield. — Spear ; the 

[xecrdyKvXov. — Sword (Harpe). — Club. — Battle-axe. — ■ Bow. — 
Sling. — Battle-chariot. — Harness. — Armour of Horsemen, and 
Horses.— Tropaion 231—253 

55. The Ship. — The Homeric Ship. — Origin of larger Vessels. — Outer 

Construction of the Hull. — Mast, Sails, Rigging, Anchor, Lead, 
Ship's Ladder. — Interior Arrangement of the Ship : Rowing- 
Apparatus ; Oars, Ranks of Rowers.— Docks. — The Roman Ship . 253 — 264 

56. The Meal. — Symposion. — Jugglers. — Games at Draughts and Dice. ^ 

—Cock-fights.— Game at Morra -*264— 272 

57. The Dance.— Warlike Dances.— Dance of Peace .... 272—275 
-=58. Theatrical Representations. — The Spectators' Place. — Scenery. — 

Costumes. — Masks 275 — 281 

59. The Sacrifice. — Purification. — Prayer. — Sacrifice proper. — Pana- 

thenaic Procession (Frieze of the Parthenon) . . . . 281 — 287 

60. Death and Burial 287—293 


61. Principle of Roman Sacred Architecture. — Essence of Roman Reli- 

gion. — The Templum. — Division of the Roman Temple. — The 

Etruscan Temple 297—300 

62. Temple of the Capitoline Deities in Rome 300—303 

63. Influence of Greek on Roman Life. — Greek Culture in Italy and 

Rome. — Religious Relations between Greece and Rome. — The 
Introduction into Rome of the Forms of the Greek Temple. — 
The Temple of the Olympian Jupiter at Athens .... 303—306 

64. Alterations of Greek Architectural Forms in Rome. — Greek Orders 

of Columns in Roman Buildings. — Korinthian Order . . 306 — 309 

65. Amalgamation of Greek and Italian Forms. — Roman Temple. — 

Temple of the Sibyl of Tivoli. — Temple at Nismes. — Temple of 

Jupiter at Pompeii.— Temple of Concordia in Rome . . . 309 — 313 

66. Roman Temple with a vaulted Cella. — Temple at Heliopolis. — 

Double Temple with vaulted Cella?. — Temple of Venus and Roma 

in Rome 313—317 

67. Roman Round Temple. — Monopteros. — Peripteros. — Temple of 

Vesta at Tivoli.— Pantheon in Rome 317—324 

68. Surroundings of the Roman Temple. — Temple of Venus at Pompeii. 

— Temples of Jupiter and Juno in Rome. — Temples of the Sun at 
Palmyra and Hierapolis. — Temple of Fortuna at Prgeneste . 324 — 330 

69. Roman Fortifications. — Walls. — Walls on the Palatine Hill. — 

Materials and Composition. — Town Walls of Pompeii and Rome. 
— Towers at Pompeii. — The Saalburg near Homburg and the 
Roman Camp at Gamzigrad 330 — 337 

70. Roman Gates. — The Arch. — Porta Aurea at Salona. — Porta Mag- 

giore in Rome. — Gates with three Openings. — Gates of Aosta 

and Pompeii 337 — 341 

71. Roman Roads. — Grotto of the Posilippo, near Naples. — ViaAppia . 341 — 344 

72. Roman Bridges. — Ponte di Nona, near Rome. — Bridge across the 

Fiora. — Pons Fabricius and Ponte S. Angelo, Rome . . . 344 — 347 

73. Roman Harbours. — Harbours of Centumcellre and Ostia. — Emporium 

in Rome . . . . . . . . . . 347 — 351 

74. Canals. — Cloaca Maxima. — Drainage. — Emissarium of the Fucine 

Lake. — Aqueducts. — Aqueducts of Rome and near Nismes and 

Segovia. — Castella. — Reservoirs at Fermo and Baiae . . . 351 — 357 




75. Soman Private Architecture. — Atrium. — Houses at Pompeii. — 

Tablirmm. — Peristylium. — House of Pansa at Pompeii. — Casa di 

Championnet at Pompeii 357 — 365 

76. Eoman Private Architecture. — Facades. — Door and Windows. — 

Plastering of the Walls. — Court in the House of Actaeon, Pompeii. 
— Interior of the House of Pansa. — The Palace. — Golden House 
of Nero. — Palace of Diocletian at Salona. — Villas of Hadrian at 

Tibur and of Diomedes at Pompeii 365 — 375 

77. Graves at Caere and Norchia. — Cucumella. — Sarcophagus of Scipio. 

— Columbarium of the Freedmen of Livia 375 — 379 

78. Tombs of Virgil, of the Horatii and Curiatii, and of Caecilia Metella. 

— Pyramid of Cestius. — Tomb of Bibulus. — Graves at Palmyra. — 
Monuments of Augustus and Hadrian. — Street of Graves at Pompeii. 

— Ustrinae. — Tombs in the Via Appia 379 — 387 

79. Monuments of Honour. — Monument of Igel. — Columns of Trajan and 

Antonine. — Triumphal Arches. — Arches of Titus and Constantine 387 — 395 

80. Thermae at Veleia and Pompeii. — Thermae of Titus and Caracalla in 

Eome 395—406 

81. Curiae. — Basilicae of Otricoli and Pompeii. — Basilica Julia. — Basilica 

TJlpia 406—413 

^32. Comitia. — Forum Bomanum. — Fora of Veleia and Pompeii. — 

Imperial Fora in Eome 413 — 421 

Circus of Bovillae. — Circus Maximus in Eome 421 — 424 

!4. Theatres at Tauromenium, of Pompey and Marcellus in Eome, of 

Herod at Athens, at Orange, and Aspendos .... 424 — 432 

85. Amphitheatre. — Theatre of Curio. — Amphitheatres at Capua and 

Eome (Coliseum) 432—437 

86. General Bemarks about Eoman Utensils 437 — 439 

87. Seats: Sella, Cathedra, Solium, Sella Curulis, Bisellium . . . 439—442 

88. Couches : Lectus, Lectus Triclinarius, Sigma, Hemicyclia . . 442 — 445 

89. Tables.— Tripods 445—447 

90. Vessels. — Crockery. — Dishes . . 447 — 450 

91. Vessels of Precious Metals. — Treasure found at Hildesheim. — Glass 

Vessels. — Murrhine Vases. — Drawing-vessels. — Wine-vessels. — 

Vintage. — Growth of the Vine. — Wine-skins .... 450 — 460 

92. Lamps. — Candelabrum. — Lampadarium . . . . ' . 460 — 465 

93. Doors. — Locks and Bolts. — Family Pictures. — Wall-painting . 465 — 473 

94. Mosaic— Gardens 473—476 

95. Dress. — Toga. — Paenula. — Lacerna. — Sagum. — Paludamentum. — 

Synthesis. — Tunica. — Stola. — Palla. — Eicinium. — Materials and 

Colours of Dresses. — Fulling 647 — 48g 

96. Head-coyerings and Ways of Wearing the Hair (Male and Female). 

— Shoes, Boots, and Sandals 488 — 495 

97. Ornaments : Hair-pins, Necklaces, Pendants, Eings, Fibulae, Mirrors, 

Etruscan Mirrors. — Toilet Mysteries 495—501 

98. Eoman Cookery. — Meals. — Drinking. — Game at Dice . . . 501 — 507 
_/-99. The Bath.— Gj-mnastics.— Game at Ball 507—511 

100. Slaves: their Classes and Social Position. — Sedan Chairs. — Carriages 

and Carts. — Jugglers 511 — 519 

101. Slaves as Artificers. — Mill. — Bakery. — Scales. — Cook - shops. — 

Potters. — Founders. — Architects. — Shoemakers, &c. . . . 519 — 526 

102. Slaves as Physicians and Copyists. — Book-trade. — Books. — Writing 

Materials.— Libraries. — Agriculture. — The Vine and Olive . . 526 — 533 

103. Priestly Colleges : Pontifices, Flamines, Vestals, vii Viri Epulones, 

xv Viri Sacris Faciundis, Augurs, Haruspices, Salii, Fetiales. — 

The Sacrifice . -. . . 533—546 

104. Ludi Circenses 546 — 553 

105. Amphitheatrical Games. — Gladiators. — Fights with Animals. — 

Naumachiae ........ . . 553 — 564 

106. Theatrical Eepresentations . 564 — 567 




107. Armour : Helmet, Cuirass, Shield, Spear (Pilum, Framea), Sword, 

Bow and Arrows, Sling. — Elephants. — Baggage. — Stores. — 
Praetorians. — Standards. — Military Music. — Military Engines. — 
Battering-Ram, Testudo, Walking-Tower. — Bridge of Boats. — 

Allocutio (Lictores and Fasces) - ' 567 — 584 

108. Military Decorations 584—586 

109. Triumph 586—591 

110. Death and Burial. — Consecration 591 — 596 

List of Illustrations 597—610 

Index of Terms . 611—620 


— — ♦ — 

In order to make the present volume more acceptable to the English 
reader the letterpress has been considerably shortened, partly by means 
of condensation, such as the more concise character of our language, in 
comparison with the German, permits of, partly by the occasional 
omission of details which seemed to lie somewhat beyond the scope 
of the work. Nothing of importance, however, has been left out, and 
it is hoped that this English version will fulfil, no less perfectly than the 
original, the task of rendering a comprehensive account of the life 
and manners of the two great antique nations, founded on the latest 
results of modern research, and illustrated by the careful reproduction 
of Greek and Roman monuments. It ought to be added that after the 
decease of one of the authors — Professor E. Guhl, in 1862 — Professor 
W. Koner, of the University Library, Berlin, has brought out two 
revised and considerably augmented editions of their common work. 


1. In undertaking to describe the life of the Greeks in its 
distinct external appearance, we have first of all to direct our 
attention to the products of architecture. For of all the creations 
designed by man's ingenuity and executed by his hand, these 
produce the grandest and most powerful impression and give the 
most distinguishable character to the life of a nation. 

Originated by the free creative phantasy of man, they have 
to serve at the same time certain purposes and demands of life. 
They therefore open a view into the genius of their creators, giving 
at the same time a picture of the real existence in which these 
creators moved. If this is true of nations in general, it is par- 
ticularly the case with the Greeks, because they were enabled and 
gifted more than any other nation to render the innermost nature 
of their genius in external works of art. It being the task of all 
investigations of antique Greece to make us understand the spirit 
and mode of thinking and living of this people, we shall scarcely 
be able to attain this aim without considering, together with the 
creations of their poetry and philosophy, with the legal institutions 
of the State and the doctrines of their religion, also the numerous 
and variegated productions of their architecture. In these, no less 
than in the others, Greek genius and Greek culture find their 
expression, with all the greater distinctness as these introduce us 
into the varied phases of real existence, and tend to show a distinct 
character common to all their different peculiarities. 

For whatever part of Greek life we may consider — be it public 
acts of religion or social intercourse, public feasts and games, or 
the more quiet scenes of home and family — we find that for all 
these their ingenious mind has created works of architecture, 
which, through being regulated by these various demands, give 




us a much more vivid idea of this life than the mostly isolated 
written testimonials in our possession are able to. Indeed, the 
materials which these latter offer to our investigation can only 
be completed and invested with full life by an accurate knowledge 
of the monuments. 

To do this in a manner as complete and comprehensive of all 
the phases of life as possible is the task of "the architectural 
remnants of the Greeks, " with which we begin our description of 
antique life. It is not our intention to give an sesthetical reason 
for the forms, or a history of their development, which belong to 
a different science. We only wish to show how the Greeks 
supplied the various demands of religion, and of public and 
private life, in their edifices. For this reason also our division 
of the abundant material cannot but be a purely practical one ; 
beginning, quite in accordance with Greek notions, with a de- 
scription of the temples, and adding afterwards the various kinds 
of profane buildings. For it was the custom of the Greeks to 
begin with divine things even in the works of daily life, and of 
all their creations none are so apt to bring home to us this 
connection between the celestial and terrestrial as those belonging 
to the domain of the fine arts. 

Poetry begins simultaneously with the narration of human 
feats of valour and the praise of the immortal gods. The fine arts 
are developed from the ornamentation of the various appliances of 
daily life, combined with the desire of giving distinct form to the 
image of the deity. In this manner architecture serves a material 
want in affording shelter to human beings, but no less it meets 
the ideal want of the religious mind in erecting the temple as the 
protecting dwelling of the divine image. A firm house was 
prepared for the god to testify his protecting presence, and a 
centre was created, round which the exercises of various arts 
grouped themselves. In building and adorning temples archi- 
tecture has become a fine art, and the images of the gods dwelling 
therein, combined with the symbolical representation of their 
deeds and history, have raised sculpture to its highest perfection. 
Moreover, in the same manner, as within the holy precinct the 
peace-offering was celebrated, the temple became likewise the 
centre of festival and dignified events which were so frequent 
in the life of the Greeks, and endowed it throughout with an 


artistically beautiful and harmonious impression. In front of 
the temples were heard the songs of the god-inspired poet ; it 
was there that the processions of Greek virgins moved in measured 
grace, that the powerful beauty of youths strengthened by athletic 
sports showed itself. In the shadow of the temples walked the 
sages and leaders of the people, and round them gathered the 
wide circle of free and honest citizens, rejoicing in the enjoyment 
of a life ennobled by art and culture, and justly proud in the 
consciousness of being Greeks. In this way the temple became 
the rallying-point of everything good, noble, and beautiful, which 
we still consider as the glory of Greek culture and refinement. 
To the temple, therefore, we must first of all devote our attention 
in order to revive our consciousness of the spirit and essence of 
classical antiquity. 

2. But not at all times were there amongst the Greeks such 
temples connected with the veneration of certain gods. Not to 
speak of the earliest periods of Greek history, during which the 
gods were adored as nameless and impersonal powers, as, for 
instance, by the Pelasgi, it also happened at much later times 
that the divine principle was considered as present in certain 
phenomena of nature. Fountains and trees, 
caves and mountains, were considered as seats 
of the gods, and revered accordingly, even 
without being changed into divine habitations 
by the art of man. So it happened that 
offerings and gifts were devoted to certain 
trees believed to be the symbols and seats 
of certain gods ; nay, sometimes such trees 
were adorned with garlands, and altars 
were erected in front of them. Representa- 
tions from later periods testify this in various 
ways. Fig. 1, for instance, shows a sacred 
pine, to which are attached peculiarly tied 
wreaths and sounding brasses (fcporaXov), as 
they were used in the service of Dionysos, the 
altar in front being destined for the reception 
of offerings. 

Amongst mountains, particularly Parnassos and Olympos were 
considered as favourite seats of the gods. We also find not 

b 2 



unfrequently that certain religious rites were connected with 
natural caves; these being naturally considered as the seats of 
superhuman powers because of the strong impression made by 

their mysterious darkness on 
the human mind. Pausanias, 
for instance, tells us that a 
cave in a cliff near Bura in 
Achaia was dedicated to the 
Herakles Buraikos, and that 
in it there was an oracle 
which disclosed the future 
by means of dice. Recent 
travellers believe that they 
have rediscovered this oracu- 
lar cave of Herakles in the cliff represented by Fig. 2. They 
allege that the natural rock has been shaped purposely into a 
certain form, and that, at the top of the rock, the rudely worked 
likeness of a head is recognisable. 

These and other similar usages point back to a time when the 
gods were considered in the light of indefinite powers ; the want 
of temples, properly speaking, seems to have become more urgent 
only when the gods began to be imagined and represented under 
distinct human forms. Only then it became of importance to find 
for the representative image of the god a certain protected 
dwelling-place. But here again it was originally the custom to 
make use of natural objects which were considered as connected 
with the nature of the god, and the same places 
which formerly were considered as the habitations 
of divine beings now were in reality used or 
prepared for the reception of the idol. We 
know, for instance, that the oldest image of 
Artemis, at Ephesos, was placed in the hollow 
stem of an elm-tree : even Pausanias saw in his 
own time the image of Artemis Kedreatis in a 
large cedar at Orchomenos. Later sculptors 
Fi g- 3 - often show divine images of smaller size placed 
on the stem or branches of protecting trees, as is the case in a 
relief (Fig. 3). 

3. The above-mentioned appliances for the protection of 



divine images may be considered as preparatory stages of the 
temple properly so called. In the same degree as architecture in 
its attempts at constructing and securing human dwellings became 
more and more developed (see § 21), the desire became apparent 
of procuring to the god a dwelling at once firm and lasting 
in accordance with his eternal nature. With the progress of 
architecture, which made this possible, the development of 
sculpture went hand in hand ; and as, in the poems of the Greeks, 
the gods become more and more humanised, we notice in the same 
degree a change in the fine arts from the bare and simple outline 
to a more and more perfect human representation of the gods. 
And the nearer god approached man, the closer also the primitive 
protection of the image began to resemble the house. A lucky 
accident has preserved in Euboea several specimens of the oldest 
temple-buildings in the shape of simple stone houses. In this 
island, not far from the town of Karystos, rises the steep mountain 
of Ocha (called at present Hagios Elias). At a considerable 
height there is a narrow plateau, to which there is only one 
access, and over which the rock rises still a little higher. On 
this plateau modern travellers (first Hawkins) have discovered 
a stone house, from 
which there is a splen- 
did view over the sea 
and the island (see 
Fig. 4). According 
to the measurement of 
Ulrich, it forms an 
oblong from west to 
east of forty feet in 
outer length, by 
twenty- four in width. The walls, four feet deep and formed 
of irregular pieces of slate, rise to seven feet in the interior. In 
the southern wall there is a gate covered with a slab thirteen feet 
long by one and a half feet thick, and two small windows which 
remind one of the gates in old Kyklopic or Pelasgic walls 
(see § 18). The roof of this house consists of hewn stone slabs, 
which, resting on the thickness of the wall, are pushed one over 
the other towards the inside — a mode of covering which has also 
been used in the buildings of the earliest period of Greek archi- 

Fig. 4. 



tecture, as, for instance, in the "treasure-houses of the old royal 
palaces. It ought also to be noticed, that in the middle of the 
roof there has been left an opening nineteen feet long by 

one and a half wide, the 
first beginning of the hy- 
pcethral formation (see plan, 
Fig. 5, and interior, Fig. 
6). In the interior there 
protrudes from the western 
wall a stone, which most 
likely was destined for the 
reception of the idol or of 
other holy objects. In the 
temples of later periods the 
holy statues also stood gene- 
rally nearest to the western 
wall, looking to the east, 
Hp where the entrance usually 
was. That this is not the 
case here is explained by 
the situation of the holy 
edifice, for close to the 
eastern wall the rock falls 
Flg ' 6 * steep into the sea. For this 

reason the gate could be placed only on the southern side, up to 
which winds the rocky path which forms the only approach. To the 
west of the temple there are remnants of a wall which either served 
as an enclosure (peribolos), or may also have belonged to a treasure- 
house. Notwithstanding the objections of some archaeologists, we 
are entitled to consider this building as a temple, perhaps dedi- 
cated to Hera, who was particularly worshipped in the island of 
Eubcea. This opinion is further confirmed by the myth, that, on 
this very Mount Ocha, the goddess celebrated her wedding with 
Zeus ; we may indeed assume, almost with certainty, that the 
described temple was erected in commemoration of that mythical 
event, on the very spot where it was said to have taken place. Of 
similar construction are three other stone buildings in Euboea 
lying close to each other north-east of the village of Stura, two of 
which are oblong, while the third and middle one is a square in 



form, covered with a hypaethral roof like a cupola, formed by pro- 
truding slabs. 

4. From the simple form of the quadrangular house sur- 
rounded by smooth walls, as we have seen it in the just-mentioned 
primitive temple, there took place a gradual progress towards 
more beautiful and varied formations. These embellishments 
consisted chiefly in the addition of columns. Columns are isolated 
props used to carry the ceiling and the roof, and applied in a 
particular artistic form and order. Such props are mentioned in 
the Homeric poems; they were used chiefly in the interiors of 
the royal palaces described therein, where, for instance, the courts 
are surrounded by colonnades, and where the ceilings of the 
lordly halls are supported by columns. All the later forms of 
Greek temples arose from the connection of these props with 
the holy edifice, and from their different uses in the exteriors and 

Before we describe the temples we have to consider the 
different kinds of columns. Not to speak of the gradual trans- 
formation which the column underwent in the course of time, 
the consideration of which belongs to the history of art, we have 
to distinguish two chief kinds, the knowledge of which is required 
in order to form a notion of the different species of the temples 

These two species of columns, which are generally denomi- 
nated the orders of columns, are the Doric and Ionic. A third, 
the Corinthian order, belongs to a later period of Greek art, The 
Doric column has its name from the Greek tribe of the Dorians, 
by whom it was invented and most frequently used, and with 
whose serious and dignified character its whole formation corre- 
sponds. It is divided into two parts, the shaft and the capital. 
The shaft consists of a stem of circular form, which up to a 
third of its height slightly increases in circumference (ei/raois), 
and decreases again more or less towards the top. The bottom 
part rests immediately on the stereobaton or base of the temple. 
Only in rare cases the column was monolithic, usually it consisted 
of several pieces or " drums'' (ottovSvKoi) , composed without mortar, 
which were fastened to each other by dowels of cedar wood, such 
as have been discovered on the columns of the Parthenon and the 
temple of Theseus at Athens. Lengthways the shaft was broken 




by parallel indentures (paficwais), now called flirtings, the edges 
of which formed sharp angles, and which, as we can see from 
several unfinished temples, were chiselled into the columns after 
they had been put into their places. On the shaft rests the 
second part of the column, the head or capital, which the Greeks, 
in analogy to the human head, called KetyaKcuov, the Romans 
capitulum. The capital of the Doric order consists of three parts. 

The first is called v7TOTpa- 
yfjhiov, neck, and forms 
the continuation of the 
shaft, from which it is 
separated by one or more 
indentures. In its upper 
part it widens, and is 
generally adorned by several horizontal stripes called 
by the Romans rings, annuli. After this follows 
the chief portion of the capital, a ledge also, of cir- 
||J||||ij cular formation, and strongly projecting all round. 

It was called by the Greeks kyfvos, and comprised 
the supporting power of the column, under the 
Hill we i8'ht of the beams and the roof resting on it. 
The third part consists of a square piece with square 
edges, which is called the bearer (a/3a£, whence the 
I ill 1111 Latin abacus), and is destined for the reception of the 
chief beam or architrave (e7TLGTv\iov) resting on the 
column (see page 12). 

The artistic (aesthetic and static) import of all 
Fig 7 these parts must not occupy us here, any more than 
the changes which they underwent in the gradual 
development of Greek art. We must confine ourselves to the 
general remark, that the older the building, the heavier and 
more compressed is the formation of the whole column, as is parti- 
cularly shown by the few still- existing columns of a temple at 
Korinth, which perhaps belongs to the sixth century B.C. As an 
example of the most beautiful form, we add (Fig. 7) the repro- 
duction of a column of the Parthenon belonging to the acme of 
Greek architecture; its capital is shown on a larger scale in 
Fig. 8. 

The Doric order expresses artistically the spirit and the 



serious tendency of the Doric tribe ; the lighter and more versatile 
mind of the Ionic tribe finds its expression in the more ornamental 
order of columns called after it. About the time of its origin we 
will say nothing here. May it suffice to state, that as early as 


the thirtieth Olympiad (656 B.C.) the Ionic order 
of columns was in use, together with the Doric. 
At that time Myron, tyrant of Sikyon, is said to 
have devoted to the gods a treasure-house at 
Olympia which contained two rooms, one of them 
showing the Doric, the other the Ionic, order of 

The Ionic column differed from the Doric 
first of all by its greater slenderness. Its height 
in the average was equal to eight diameters at the 
bottom of the column, while the Doric column 
amounted usually only to four or five. The column 
is divided into three parts, a foot or base being 
added to the shaft and capital. The base con- 
sists of several prominences {torus) like bolsters, 
separated from each other by indentures (rpoyiKos) 
which rest on a square slab (ttKlvOos), and in a 
manner raise the column from the earth. The 
shaft shows the same cylindric form as that of the Doric column 
but the decrease in size towards the upper part is less consider- 
able, and the fluting also differs from the Doric in so far as the 
deep parts are more excavated, and between them there are 
small flat parts called ridges (scamittus). The capital shows, 



. 10. 



instead of a simple and severe formation, a greater variety 
and elegance of form. The neck is embellished by sculptural 
ornaments, the echinus is less prominent, and shows a sculp- 
tural ornament called ovolo. The richest and most striking 
characteristic of the Ionic capital is the part which, somewhat 
like the abacus of the Doric capital, droops, as it were, under 
the weight of the architrave, and leans in an elastic curvature 
over the echinus ; both in front and at the back it shows a 
double spiral ornamentation usually called the volute ; at the 
sides it forms a bolster called by the Romans palvinar. Above 
this lies a small slab, also adorned with sculptures, and destined 
to receive the beam. Fig. 10 shows a simple Ionic column which 
belonged to the no longer existing temple on the Ilissos at Athens ; 
Fig. 9, a rich capital from the Erechtheion at Athens. 

The third or Korinthian order of columns (the independent 
development of which does not seem to date back before the end 
of the fourth century B.C.) resembles, in the formation of the basis 
and the shaft, the Ionic order. The capital, on the other hand, 
has the form of an open chalice formed of acanthus leaves, over 
which rises from the same basis a second higher row of leaves. 
In the interstices of this mass of leaves we see stems, with smaller 

chalices at their tops, rising 
upwards, and from the tops 
of these there are again de- 
veloped stalks divided into 
two, the tops of which are 
bent like volutes under the 
weight of the abacus, which 
in a manner rests on them. 
The beams are generally 
borrowed from the Ionic 
order. Vitruvius (iv. 1, 9) 
tells a pretty story, accord- 
ing to which the celebrated 
architect and engraver (to- 
pevryp) Kallimachos, of 
11 ' Athens, was the inventor of 

this capital ; perhaps he was the first to use it artistically. In any 
case, the perfection of the Korinthian capital (as we know it from 


its simplest beginnings in the temple of Apollo at Phigalia, up to 
its noblest development in the capitals of the temple of the Didy- 
maic Apollo near Miletos, and in those of the mausoleum of Hali- 
karnassos, and on the choragic monument of Lysikrates at 
Athens, Fig. 11 (see Fig. 152), belongs to the time after Perikles. 
Perhaps the first attempts at an ornamentation which was 
taken from plants, and might easily be reproduced in clay, were 
made at Korinth, the seat of clay potteries, and in that case the 
Korinthian capital would have received its name from its first 

5. The simplest and most natural way of connecting the 
columns with the temple itself, was to leave out the smallest 
of the four walls in which the entrance was placed, and to erect 
instead of it two columns, which thus formed a stately and 
beautiful ingress, and also carried the beams and the roof of the 
temple. The Greeks called a temple of this kind kv irapaGTaaiv, 
the Romans a templum in antis, because in it the columns were 
placed between the front pillars of the side walls, which latter 
were called by the Greeks TrapaoTC&es, and by the Pomans antce. 
But this change of design could not be made without consequences 
for the arrangement of the temple itself. By opening in this way 
the temple on the one — generally the eastern — side, there was 
certainly gained an appropriate ornamentation of the chief 
facade ; but, on the other hand, the regard lor the holiness of the 
image required a further seclusion of the room in which it was 
placed : for the house of the god was sacred, separated from the 
profane world, and accessible only after a previous purification. 
In consequence, the space of the temple-cella was divided by a 
wall into two parts, of which the one, the vaos proper, contained 
the image of the god, the other ^ [off 
being used as an outer court or 
outer temple, and therefore called ( 
by the Greeks 7r povao? or 7rp6ho- 

/JL09. [ 

An example of this most prim- 
itive and simple design is pre- ^[o 1 : 
served in a small temple at Pham- Fig. 12. 

nos, in Attika, which is generally designated as the temple of 
Themis. Its plan (see Fig. 12) shows an oblong form similar to 



that of the temple on Mount Ocha, but that on the east side the 
wall has been omitted, and between the two ends of the side walls 
or antce (a a) two columns (b b) have been erected. Passing 
through these columns we enter the pronaos (B), against the 
back wall of which, built of polygonal stones, stand two marble 
chairs (c c), dedicated the one to Nemesis, the other to Themis, 

as the inscriptions on them in- 
dicate (see Fig. 13). Perhaps they 
contained originally the statues 
of these goddesses ; the statue of 
one goddess at least, in an anti- 
quated style, has been discovered 
in the pronaos. The temple is 
small, and stands in a very irregu- 
lar position by the side of a larger 
one, which is usually considered as 
that of Nemesis. For this was the 
goddess particularly venerated 
Fi £- 13 - by the inhabitants of Rh amnos, 

and her affinity to Themis, the goddess of justice, the violations 
of which Nemesis had to revenge, would account for the close 
vicinity of the two temples ; their irregular position with regard 
to each other finds its explanation in the circumstance of the 
different dates of their erection. For the temple of Nemesis 
belongs to the time of Kimon, while that of Themis was erected 
at an ante-Persian period, most likely contemporaneously with 
the building of the ante-Persian Parthenon and the ante-Persian 
Propylaea, as is shown by the polygonal structure of the walls of 
the cella and the use of the porous stone for the columns and 

The facade which shows us the further peculiarities of the Doric 
order we see, Fig. 13. We observe, first of all, that the temple rests 
on some steps, as was the universal custom amongst the Greeks. 
The columns of the Doric order, as described in the last paragraph, 
carry, together with the two antee, the upper part of the whole 
building, generally called the beams. The beams of the Doric 
order are divided into three parts — architrave, frieze, and cor- 
nice. The architrave consists of four-edged, smoothly hewn stone 
beams, which are placed from column to column (hence the Greek 


name eTriarvKtov, i.e. on the columns), and are equally continued 
beyond the wall of the temple. Over this follows a second layer of 
a similar kind, but that here certain prominent parts, adorned with 
vertical stripes and called triglyphs (rplyXvipos), occur alternately 
with square pieces called by the Greeks /jletcottov, and usually 
adorned with images, i.e. reliefs. After these representations 
(£ft)a) the Greeks called this part of the beams gw(f)6po?. The 
completion of the beams was formed by the cornice called by the 
Greeks yeiaov, and consisting of a prominent rafter cut obliquely 
downwards. Over these beams rises on the two smaller sides of 
the temple a pediment, i.e. a triangular structure, as necessitated by 
the sloping position of the roof; it was formed by a stone wall 
and surrounded by a cornice similar to the geison of the beams. 
The Greeks called this gable deTo? or deVw/xa, perhaps owing to 
its similarity to an eagle with extended wings. The gable front 
surrounded by the cornice was called by the 
Greeks Tvjx'navov ; it was generally adorned with 
sculptures, such as we shall see on several of 
the larger Greek temples. The ridge of the 
roof as well as the corners of the gable were 
provided in most of the temples with ornaments 
(a/cptoTripiov), which generally, similar to those 
on the sarcophagi and <rry\ai, were formed like 
anthemia (Fig. 14). Instead of these we also 
find not unfrequently on the corners of the setos pedestals, 
destined to carry statues or holy implements like tripods and 

6. There is still another kind of the templum in antis 
described in our last chapter, which seems not to have been called 
by the Greeks by a separate name, neither is it mentioned separ- 
ately by Yitruvius, to whom we owe the classification of the 
different forms of the temple. Nevertheless it deserves our par- 
ticular attention, as showing the strictly logical process followed 
by the Greeks in this matter. 

For, after the one smaller side of the temple had received 
columns instead of a wall, it was natural to do the same on the 
opposite side. This was indeed only in accordance with the 
feeling of symmetry shown by the Greeks, to which we shall 
have to refer in considering another form of the temple. 



A beautiful example of this form of the templum in antis we 
find in a temple discovered at Eleusis, of which Fig. 15 shows the 
plan. It was dedicated to Artemis Propylsea, and the position 
of the ruins close by the propylsea of the sacred precinct of the 

temple at Eleusis shows 
beyond doubt that it is 
really the temple seen, 
and called by that name, 
by Pausanias ; it is indeed 
one of the rare cases where 
the name of a Greek 
temple can be proved 
with certainty. The tem- 
ple, of which little more 
than the foundations re- 
main, but which can be 
easily reconstructed with the help of these foundations and of 
some fragments of Pentelic marble,* is divided into three parts, of 
which the cella (A) and the pronaos (C) are formed exactly as we 
have seen in the temple of Themis. 

Beyond the back wall of the cella the side walls of the temple 
have been continued, and between their antae two columns have 
been erected; in this way a space (B) has been formed, which, 
although perhaps not equal in dimension, corresponds exactly with 
the pronaos or prodomos, and is therefore called by the Greeks 
oTriGOoho/jLos. In the same way as the pronaos was the front hall, 
the opisthodomos was the back hall, of the temple, and therefore 
by the Romans appropriately called a posticum. 

This arrangement assists us in understanding the use of the 
spaces thus gained in front and back of the cella ; for they must 
be considered not only as casual extensions of the temple, but 
they have a distinct significance for the religious service and its 
usages, as it was always the habit of the Greeks to combine 
artistic and religious considerations. The openness of both spaces 
indicates sufficiently that they were not properly holy or conse- 

* This was the case at least at the time of the first investigation. At present the 
ruins found at that time have (with the exception of a few almost unrecognisable 
remnants) disappeared, that is, they have been used for the houses of the insignifi- 
cant modern Eleusis. 



crated places. They were, on the contrary, as Botticher justly 
remarks of the pronaos, " show-rooms." The pronaos, which 
formed the entrance and as it were preparation hall of the holy 
room, was furnished accordingly. Sculptures and other ornaments 
alluded to the god and his myths ; in the temple of Themis we 
recognised the two chairs as being most likely the seats of divine 
images. There were also implements placed here to prepare for 
the entrance into the sacred room proper. The basin with conse- 
crated water had its place here, with which everybody sprinkled 
himself or was sprinkled by the priest, before entering into the 
immediate presence of the god, whose image always stood fronting 
the entrance-door. These rooms were frequently secured and 
closed by railings, traces of which are preserved in several temples, 
and in this way, although open to the eye, they could be used for 
the reception of the treasures with which pious custom richly 
endowed the temples, as is distinctly told us of the festive temples 
at Athens, Delphi, Olympia, and elsewhere. 

A similar ornamentation, by means of statues referring to the 
god of the temple, or anathemata devoted to him, must have 
been in the opisthodomos. It must, however, be added that in 
some temples the opisthodomos occurs as a separate chamber 
behind the cella. In that case it was used for the keeping of 
that property of the god which was not shown in public, such as 
old sacred implements or perhaps old images ; in some cases also 
money and public or private documents were kept in it because of 
the greater security of the place. This, for instance, was done at 
the Parthenon, where even a list of objects kept in the opistho- 
domos has been discovered. In this case the back hall of the 
temple (posticum) remained the show-room, adorned with sculp- 
tures, anathemes, and pictures in a similar manner as the pronaos 
on the opposite side of the temple. 

7. In his sketch of the different forms of the temple Yitruvius 
mentions after the antse-temple the prostylos. This name already 
indicates a temple in which the columns (gtvXoi) protrude on one 
side, and which naturally forms in this way a further step in the 
development of the temple. In the antse-temple the columns as 
it were replaced the one smaller wall of the temple-house, which 
had been omitted in order to give the outer part of the temple a 
certain public character. But after this significance of the column 



as a separate and "room-opening" (Botticher) prop had once 
been recognised, it became impossible to abide by this form, and 
it is quite in accordance with the steady and gradual progress 

always observable in Greek 
art that the columns were also 
advanced quite independently 
on the open side of the temple 
which required ornamentation. 
The general design was not 
modified hereby, and could re- 
main exactly the same as in 
the antse-temple. 

An example of this design 
is offered by the small Ionic 
temple near the large temple at Selinus (see Fig. 16). Selinus, on 
the south-western coast of Sicily, was a colony of the Doric town of 
Megara, by whose inhabitants a great many towns were founded. 
Their attention was particularly directed towards Sicily, where, 
after founding several other colonies, they built, about the thirty- 
seventh Olympiad, the town of Selinus, perhaps on the site of an 
old Phoenician colony. The fertility of the soil and the favourable 
situation of the town made it soon a considerable emporium, and 
with its growing wealth was combined an artistic culture to 
which we owe several still- existing ruins in the Doric style. 
Besides these ruins of the Doric order (see Figs. 21, 23, 33), there 
has been discovered a small sanctuary which shows a peculiar 
combination of the Doric and Ionic styles, and has lately been 
reproduced and described at great length as the temple of Empe- 
dokles, with the restoration of its original colours. On a base of 
steps about 2 J feet in height rises the little temple about 15 feet 
high and resembling in its design exactly the temple of Themis. 
We have the cella (A) and the pronaos (B), with the only 
difference that the columns adorning the latter stand, not between 
the antse, but protrude beyond them. The columns grow con- 
siderably slighter upwards, in analogy to the Doric order, but 
they have a base and an Ionic capital ; their flutings resemble 
more the Doric than the Ionic order. The beams also are in the 
Doric order; on the architrave three layers are indicated by 
colours ; the frieze has triglyphs and metopa, which were also 



painted ; the pediment shows the form we have met with in the 
temple of Themis. 

The connection of the portico with the cella is brought about 
by a continuation of the architrave from the pillar of the antae to 
the column, by means of which the beams and the roof in front 
form a strong projection carried by the columns. This is an 
evident gain for the design of the temple ; for in this way both 
the portico and the pronaos are increased in size, and the column 
now fulfils much better its task as an independent and " room- 
opening " prop. 

8. Although the prostjdos marks a progress in the develop* 
ment of the column-edifice, it cannot be denied that it shows a 
certain want of symmetry and proportion in its design. The 
back part does not correspond with the facade, indeed the strong 
projection carried by the columns seems to require a similar 
arrangement on the opposite side of the temple. There is some- 
thing imperfect in the look of such a temple, particularly if one 
imagines its position open on all sides. This want could not but 
become apparent to the Greeks, who in almost all their artistic 
doings have shown a particular predilection for symmetrical 
proportions. Greek orators weighed carefully the measure of 
their periods, and symmetry was the principle of strophe and 
antistrophe in their lyrical poetry. The same care has been 
noticed in the plastic or pictorial ornamentation of rooms and 
of certain objects, in which the Greek artists always tried to 
carry out a perfect symmetry and parallelism of the grouping. 
This feeling it could not satisfy to see the front part of the temple 
developed in such a striking manner, and it was only natural 
that the Greeks should have added before long a portico to the 
opposite side of the temple. From this as we have seen quite 
natural and essentially Greek proceeding arose a new form, called 
by the Greeks very appropriately vaos ajK^LnpoaTvKo's, i.e. a temple 
with projecting porticoes on both sides. The amphiprostylos is, 
indeed, the necessary supplement or rather completion of the 
prostylos, a completion which was the more natural as through 
the double antae- temple (see § 6) (which might appropriately be 
designated as amphipar astatic) one was accustomed to an opistho- 
domos or posticum, corresponding with the pronaos. The posticum, 
which was wanting in the prostylos, is gained in the amphi- 


1 8 


prostylos by means of the back hall, and became available in the 
same manner as we have seen in the developed form of the antse- 
teniple (see § 6). Altogether the aniphiprostylos stands in the 
same relation to the prostylos as the double to the single antae- 
temple, and we notice here again the steady and equal progress 
which has given to all Greek creations their harmony and organic 
necessity or, which is essentially the same, their beauty. As an 
example of this not very frequent form of the temple, of which 
Yitruvius does not name an instance, we mention the temple of 
]^ike Apteros, the wingless goddess of victory, in the Akropolis at 
Athens* (see Fig. 17). This elegant Ionic structure crowns, like a 
votive offering, the front part of the wall which Ximon had 
erceted as at once a protection and ornament of the Akropolis. 

It was taken off by the Turks and used 
for the building of a bastion, but was 
restored to its original form from the 
remnants found in the destroyed bastion, 
during the first decennium of the revived 
kingdom of Greece (see the sketch of 
the side view ; Fig. 18). From the right- 
hand side of the great staircase, which 
leads up to the propylaea, a small flight 
of steps ascends to the temple of 
Mke Apteros. It stands pretty close 
to the right wing of the propykea, 
and is for this reason shorter than in 
other cases, for instance in the temple on the Ilissos, which other- 
wise corresponds with it exactly. It is said that its dedication to 
the wingless goddess of victory signified the retaining of victory 
for Athens ; according to earlier statements it was erected by 
Kimon after the completion of the above-mentioned wall in order 
to conmieniorate his double victory over the Persians on the 
Eurymedon (01. 77, 3 = 470 B.C.) ; Bursian, on the other hand, 
places its completion, or at least that of its upper parts, in the 

time of Perikles. The dimensions of the temple are but small 

* Of temples of this class without colonnades we also mention one, the ruins of 
which have been discovered by Stuart on the Ilissos, not far from Athens. Toe 
nmphiprostylos is more frequently applied wh o re the cella is surrounded by a 
colonnade. (See § 9, d.) 



(18 \ feet in width, 27 feet in length), but its style is beautiful and 
elegant. It consists of a simple cella A (Fig. 17), with an outer 
hall B on the eastern side towards the propylaea, and a postico C, on 
the western side towards the staircase. The opening of the cella 
towards the east is not, as in most cases, effected by a door in the 

Fig. 18. 

wall, but by two slender pillars (b b) between the antae (a a), 
which afford an open view of the interior and of the statue 
placed therein. Against the outer hall the cella was as usual 
closed by means of railings, the fastenings of which are still 
observable on the pillars and antae. 

The columns have bases and beautiful capitals in the form of 
volutes ; their slightly heavy proportions remind one of the Doric 
order ; the beams, on the other hand, are strictly Ionic. Accord- 
ingly, the architrave (which in the Doric order (see § 5) consists 
of a simple smooth stone) is divided into three horizontal stripes 
(fascia), over the uppermost of which there is a thin ledge. The 
frieze no more exhibits the division into metopa and triglyphs, 
but consists of an uninterrupted plane, equal in height to the 
architrave, and adorned with bas-reliefs which represent battles 
between Greeks and Persians. After this follows the cornice 
(yeicrov), which, unlike the simplicity and heaviness of the Doric 
cornice, consists of several pieces composed in an easy and graceful 

The pediments both at theback and in front are similar to those of 

c 2 


the Doric temple, but that they rise a little higher, and the cornices 
round them correspond with the geison of the beams. Fig. 19 

shows the plan of the above- 
mentioned temple, which 
Stuart has discovered on 
the southern bank of the 
Ilissos, not far from the well 
Enneakrunos ; this temple 
was used in Stuart's time as 
a Christian church, but has 
now entirely disappeared. 
It was an amphiprostylos 
of the Ionic order, the .division of which into cella A, pronaos B, 
and posticum C, agrees exactly with the above- stated principles. 
It was 40 \ feet in length, by 19 J in width. 

9. The most extensive use of the columns takes place, when 
they are placed not only before and behind the temple, as in 
the amphiprostylos, but when they are ranged round the four 
sides of the building. 

This is the last and most perfect form to which the combina- 
tion of the columns with the temple-house could lead, and it must 
be considered as the necessary development of the different 
preparatory stages mentioned in the above.* Here we have, at 
last, a temple-house surrounded by columns on all sides, beauti- 
fully variegated, and yet not wanting in organic unity. In conse- 
quence, this form was used by the Greeks more frequently than 
any other, and most of the remaining temples, particularly those 
of the Doric style, belong to it. 

Concerning the mode of its erection, we must imagine that the 
columns were placed at equal distances round the cella, so that 
one might walk round it, barring such cases where statues or 
partition walls prevented it. For the distance of the columns 
from the wall of the cella there is no certain rule ; on the longer 
sides it was generally equal to the distance of the columns from 

* An historic proof of this gradual growth cannot be given, seeing that already the 
oldest monuments known to us show the complete surrounding by columns. With 
the sole exception of that on Mount Ocha, the above-mentioned temples must not be 
considered as actually older than those to be described in the following pages. 
They are only specimens of a pre-historic period of architecture, the single forms and 
stages of which were continued even after the completion of the peripteral temple. 



each other, in front and at the back (i.e., on the two smaller sides) 
it was considerably larger than this. The beams rested on the 
columns (see Figs. 13 and 18) as in the prostylos and amphi- 
prostylos ; they surrounded the cella in an uninterrupted line, 
the walls of the former being built up to an equal height, and 
afterwards connected with the beams by means of cross-beams 
made of stone. Stone slabs adorned with so-called caskets, that 
is, square indentures (lacunaria) , were placed on these cross-beams 
and formed the so-called lacunaria- ceiling. In this way a pro- 
tecting roof was gained for the colonnade, and at the same time 
the organic unity of the temple was obtained by means of the 
connection of the columns with the cella. Fig. 20, showing the 
section of a temple of this kind, will serve to illustrate this 
arrangement. A signifies the interior of the cella, B the colon- 

B A B 

Fig. 20. 

nades on both sides, a b the columns, b c the beams, connected with 
the wall of the cella by means of the lacunaria-ceiling. (About 
the interior, see Fig. 30.) The ceiling of the colonnade protruding 
in this way from the cella to right and left was called by the 
Greeks (in analogy with the name of the gable aero?, as men- 
tioned above) Ttrepov, wing, and from this expression the name 
mo9 7repL7TTepo^ was derived, viz., a temple surrounded on all sides 
by a protruding wing of this kind. In the same way as this 



name refers to the ceiling of the colonnade, another is taken from 
the columns themselves, and according to the latter a temple of 
this kind is called a vaos or olfcos ireptarvKo^, that is, a temple 
surrounded by columns, the colonnade itself being called to ire- 
piarvKov. The name peripteros was always, and has remained, 
the most common one. 

After having described the structure of the peripteros so as 
to give a distinct notion of the pteron, and of the construction of 
this kind of temple in general, we must now turn to the con- 
sideration of the plan in order to learn the division and arrange- 
ment of the different rooms. This division is more complicated 
in the peripteros than in any other class of temples'; we find 
indeed the different kinds of divisions as numerous as the classes 
of temples we have hitherto met with. It will be remembered 

Fig. 21. 

that in these latter there was only one arrangement of the 
interior peculiar to each ; but as it is the chief purpose of the 
peripteros to surround the temple-house with a colonnade, this 
house itself may have any of the described forms ; it may be, in 
other words, an antse- temple, a prostylos, or an amphiprostylos. 
These possible variations in the plan of the peripteros have 
hitherto, perhaps, not been sufficiently noticed. Vitruvius does 
not mention them, and the rules laid down by him comprise only 
the smallest portion of the preserved monuments. 

a. The temple-house surrounded by the colonnade may first 
be an antse-temple, as described by us in § 4. An example of 
this design is offered by one of the older temples at Selinus (see 



Fig. 21). It is situated, with two other similar ones, on a hill, in 
the western part of the town ; the colonnade D is formed by six 
columns on the small, and thirteen on the long, sides ; the cella is 
an antaG-temple with two columns between the walls, which latter 
do not end in common antae, but take the form of columns. 
Through these columns one ascends the pronaos (B) on two 
steps ; after it follows, raised again by one step, the cella proper 
(A), from which a staircase of five steps leads into the opistho- 
domos (C) ; this is walled in on all sides, and forms a completely 
closed room, inaccessible except from the cella. 

b. The antae-temple might also have columns between the 
anta3 of the two small sides, as, for instance, in the temple of 
Artemis Propyhea at Eleusis (Fig. 15). This kind of temple- 
house may also become the centre of a peripteros by being 
surrounded by columns. This is the case in the Theseion, one of 
the finest and best-preserved temples of Athens (Fig. 22). 

This temple lies on a small hill north-west of the Akropolis, 
and is, in all probability, identical with that devoted by the 
Athenians to the memory of their national hero Theseus, to 
whose appearance in the battle of Marathon they owed the 
victory. In memory of this event they afterwards resolved to 

Fig. 22. 

transfer the remains of Theseus from the island of Skyros (con- 
quered by Kimon) to Athens, and to bury them in a manner 
worthy of the hero. This was done by Kimon, the son of 
Miltiades, Olympiad 76, 1 (476 B.C.), and on the same occasion 
our temple was erected, and called, after the hero, Theseion.* The 
building is of Pentelic marble ; thirty-four columns, in the most 
* More recently it has also "been declared to he a temple of Ares. 


beautiful Doric style, in its freer and more elegant Attic modifica- 
tion, surround the temple-house, so that six columns stand on 
each of the small, and thirteen on each of the large sides. The 
temple-house itself has the form of a double antse-temple ; in the 
middle lies the cella proper A,* joined on the eastern side by the 
prouaos B, on the western by the opisthodomos C, the latter 
forming, like the pronaos, an open hall. Beams and ceiling of the 
peristylos show traces of rich polychromatic painting. The 
temple, formerly richly decorated with statues on the gable and 
the metopa, has for a long time being used as a church of St. 
George, to which circumstance its good preservation is most 
likely due. At present the antique remnants found at Athens 
are kept in it. 

c. In another form of the peripteros, the temple-house consists 
of a prostylos surrounded by columns. It is, however, rarely 
met with, the just-mentioned arrangement (b) being the most 
usual. As an example of this third style, we mention one of the 
older temples on the western hill of the town of Selinunt, in 
Sicily (see Fig. 23). Inside of the colonnade lies the ob- 
long temple-house, which shows a portico of four columns. 
It contains, besides the cella proper (A), a peculiarly shaped 
pronaos (B), and an opisthodomos (C), the latter being walled in 
on all sides. 

Fig. 23. 

d. The highest development of the peripteros is reached when 
the cella is formed by an amphiprostylos (the complement of the 

* The width of the interior of the cella is 20 ft. 4 in. (English measure). 



prostylos, see § 8), being at the same time surrounded by a 

As an example we quote the temple of Athene Parthenos in 
the Akropolis of Athens, which altogether must be considered as 
one of the most perfect, if not the most perfect, monument of 
Greek architecture.* Being dedicated to the highest protecting 
goddess of Athens and of the Attic country, it occupied the most 
important site of the Akropolis, and evinced, both by the grandeur 
of its dimensions and its artistic splendour, the culture of the 
nation itself, which, under Perikles, had reached the acme of its 
power. On the same spot, where had stood the older Athene- 
temple, destroyed by the Persians, Perikles erected this new one. 
The two architects, Iktinos and Kallikrates, completed the 
gigantic work in about ten years, in 438 B.C. The sculptural 
decoration of the gables and metopa was supervised and no doubt 
partly executed by Phidias, an intimate friend of Perikles, and 
equally supreme in art as the other in politics. On a strong base 
of Pirseic stonework, surrounded by three high steps of Pentelic 
marble (the upper one being 101^ ft. wide by 228 ft. long), rose 
the peripteros, formed by forty- six Doric columns, of which eight 
stood on each of the smaller, and seventeen on each of the longer 
sides (see plan, Fig. 24, and view, Fig. 25). The architrave was 
adorned with golden shields and inscriptions, while the metopa of 
the frieze showed the more lasting ornamentations of reliefs, repre- 
senting the myths of Athene and the heroes renowned in her ser- 
vice. On the gables were enthroned the sublime forms, by means 
of which Phidias and his disciples had celebrated two important 
events from the cycle of myths relating to Athene. The one 
showed the first appearance of the goddess amongst the Olympians 
after her birth from the head of Zeus ; the other represented the 
contest in which the victorious goddess had gained the supremacy 
of the Attic land from Poseidon. Everywhere the splendour of 
the Pentelic marble (of which the columns, the beams, the walls 
of the cella, and even the tiles of the roof, were made) was 
discreetly modified by the application of colours. 

During the Middle Ages it was transformed into a Christian 
church, of which Spon and Wheler have seen as late as 1676, and 
afterwards described, the altar-niche on the east side and the 
* See the plan of the Akropolis, Fig. 52, B. 



whole interior arrangement ; * and, owing to this circumstance, 
the Parthenon, like the temple of Theseus, had been well 
preserved, until the siege of Athens by the Yenetians under 
Morosini, in 1687, caused the deplorable destruction of this unique 
building. The besieged had placed a powder magazine in the 
cella, and when this was hit by a shell of the besieging artillery, 
a dreadful explosion took place, which destroyed almost the whole 
building, with the exception of the two pediments. 

It must be considered as a fortunate circumstance in this 
disaster that the ruins, although poor and scanty, if compared 
with the former splendour of the building, still are sufficient to 
allow of a tolerably accurate reconstruction of its general features. 
Moreover the very ruins show a dignity and beauty of form 
which baffle description : a proof of the excellence of Greek 
architecture, which even without the passing splendour of outer 
ornaments, and deprived of the imposing effect of the whole 
building, still preserves its overpowering impression. 

The design of the temple, with regard to its principal rooms, 
does not now seem doubtful ; the previous investigations of 
architects and archaeologists concerning the cella and the 
opisthodomos seem completed by the excavations in the Acro- 
polis of C. Botticher, during the early summer of 1862. 


m\ i® 

m\ \m\ \m\ m 


»i liti liii i« mm 

1 1 1 i 


i i i i i i i i i i i i i 

1 M M 1 1 1 ! 1 i 1 1 1 


i i 1 i 

i ' i 1 l i i i ! i i I 












i i i i M 1 1 
i i i ii i i I 
\m i m\ 1 1 

1 Mill 


i i ® i * 
i 1 1 
! 1 Ii 



9 1 ^ 1 w 

MJ 1 I 

n i m >.m i e 
Ml II 

ICI 1 ll 








D| lill 
1 Mil 

m i mu \ 

1 ' 11 
1 1 1 



M | 1 | 1 



1 1 i 
i i i 

1 1 1 1 
1 1 1 1 

j i m i m i «h i i ^ i r,in 







HI t I i M 1 | 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 

i I I 1 4 i 1 1 1 I I 1 1 1 I v- A 1 » I 1 I . 1 n 1 I 1 1 1 1 . 1 1 1 1 1 

1 M Ml 

mm ioi m\ \m\ 

m\ ii 

« m m\ imi m\ m imi 

ml Im 


Fig. 24. 

Fig. 24 shows the plan of the Parthenon after the design of 
Using, which is founded on a thorough investigation of the 
* The bottom part of this niche exists still at the present time. 



different opinions ; we are not prepared to vouch for all its details, 
neither can we enter upon our own notions with regard to single 
parts, gained by personal study of the remnants. Passing 
through the columns of the colonnade (A), one encounters a 
second row of six columns, forming the portico of the pronaos (B). 
The pronaos is raised by two steps over the level of the peristylos, 
and was used for the keeping of the precious offerings, which 
were brought from far and near to celebrate the holiness of the 
temple and of its protecting goddess. They were kept safely 
behind iron railings, and carefully locked up by the Tamiai,* but 
might be seen from the outside. In an inscription, a list of the 
objects kept here has been preserved to us. The entrance to the 
pronaos, which formerly had been blocked up by the 6 ft. 
thick wall of the apsis of the church built into the Parthenon, 
was re-opened by Bdtticher. 

Fig. 25. 

These parts of the building were also decorated with 
sculptures. Beginning from the portico, the frieze round the 
whole cella was covered with the marvellous representation of the 
festive procession of the Panathensea, or, according to Botticher's 
opinion, the preparations for this procession. These reliefs, 
3 ft. 4 in. in height, extended originally over 528 ft. ; 456 ft. 
have since been recovered from the ruins, and transferred to 
England, with a great many other sculptures from the Akropolis, 

* The holes for fastening these railings were discovered by Botticher, from bottom 
to capital, in all the columns of the pronoas and posticum. 



by Lord Elgin. At present they are in the British Museum, but 
other parts of the frieze, found later, have been kept at Athens. 
Over the entrance to the pronaos, and therefore to the cella 
proper, there is an ingenious representation of an assembly of the 
gods looking at the approaching processions of youths and 
maidens. They are seated in arm-chairs, simply and beautifully 
grouped, and amongst them the forms of the god Poseidon, of the 
hero Erechtheus, and of the goddess Aphrodite with Peitho and 
Eros, are recognisable. A large door in the back wall of the 
pronaos forms the entrance to the cella proper (C), which is a 
hundred feet long, and therefore called hekatompedon. Two 
rows of columns, each nine in number, divided this room into 
three naves, and above these there was a second row of Doric 
columns forming an upper story, up to which led staircases from 
the side naves. At the end of the middle stoa, which we must 
imagine as hypaethral, stood, closed in by a bar and protected by 
a canopy, the chryselephantine Agalma of Pallas (b) ; in front of 
it was the da'is of the prcedria (a), the site of which is still 
recognisable by a piece of Piraeic stone pavement in the middle of 
the marble floor. Concerning the masterly statue of Athene by 
Phidias, we can only say a few words illustrating its artistic 
arrangement. The base on which the figure stood was orna- 
mented by a representation of the birth of Pandora, and by the 
forms of twenty gods. On this pedestal stood the statue of the 
goddess herself, in a simple but majestic posture, 26 yards* in 
height ; face, neck, arms, hands, and feet were made of ivory ; the 
drapery (which Phidias had fortunately made removable) was of 
pure gold, which noble metal also prevailed in the other parts of 
the figure. Combined with the splendour of the material and the 
imposing impression of the whole figure, the careful ornamental 
treatment of the details added to the total effect. There were, 
for instance, the helmet with a sphinx and other ornaments, and 
the shield standing at the feet of the goddess with a battle of the 
Amazons on the outer side ; nay, even the edges of the high 
sandals showed a Kentauromachia with numerous figures, amongst 
which, it is said, there were portraits of Perikles and Phidias, the 
last-mentioned being afterwards made the grounds of accusa- 

* German Ellen. The measurements are throughout oa the German scale 
unless stated otherwise. 



tions of impiety against the great statesman and his artistic 

Behind the cella with the statue in it, was the opisthcdomos, 
a closed room connected with the cella by means of two little 
doors at the northern and southern ends of the intervening wall. 
Remnants of these doors, destined only for the business purposes 
of the treasure officials, were also found amongst the ruins in 
1862. The ceiling of the opisthodomos was carried by four 
columns ; many articles of value, documents, and anathemata not 
meant for public exhibition, were here kept by certain officials, 
who had to render strict account of them. From the opi- 
sthodomos another door, secured by a double railing, led into the 
back hall, similar in form to the pronaos, and used, like it, for 
placing works of art and pious offerings (E). 

10. After the description of the vaos 'nepiitrepos, which we 
have now considered in all its varieties, we pass over to the 
pseudo-peripteros treated by Yitruvius, together with the peri- 
pteros. As the name indicated (^evcos, deception, appearance), 
this temple is not in reality surrounded by a pteron, but only 
appears to be. A pteron, as we have seen, consists of the 
wing-like protrusion of beams and ceiling, supported by separate 
columns. If the idea of the pteron is done away with, the beams 
and ceiling may remain, but they no more form an independent 
protrusion round the cella ; that is, they are no more supported 
by independent columns, but by a firm wall, which on its part 
may supply the columns by semi-columns or pilasters. This 
form is very rare in Grreek architecture, which was founded on 
truth, but the Romans have applied it more frequently (see § 63). 
It is true that one Greek specimen of the pseudo-peripteros is 
known to us, but in it the purpose of producing the illusion of 
columns has evidently been absent, the arrangement having 
become necessary by the large dimensions of the building and the 
nature of its material. This temple was at Akragas. Akragas^ 
" the splendour-loving noble city, of all the most beautiful," as 
Pindar calls it, was founded at the beginning of the sixth century 
by Grela, a Doric colony on the south coast of Sicily, and, by its 
favourable position and fertile soil, had acquired considerable 
wealth. The numerous remnants of its former artistic splendour 
are, together with those of Selinus, amongst the finest specimens 



of the older Doric style. Not far from the well-preserved 
so-called temples of Juno and Concordia the foundations have 
been discovered of an enormous temple dedicated to Zeus, and 
finished, all but the roof, after the victory of the Carthaginians 
over the Agrigentines (01. 93, 3 = 406 B.C.). Diodor, who 
gives a detailed description of the temple with measurements, 
admired, after so many centuries, the grandeur of its remnants. 
According to later measurements the length of the temple, steps 
included, is 359 ft., its width 1751 ft. • its height must have been 
120 to the top of the gable, as may be calculated from the 
remaining fragments of the beams and columns : its site was 
therefore almost three times as large as that of the Parthenon. 
The columns, being almost 62 ft. in height, stood so widely apart, 
that, to cover the intervening spaces by means of free architraves, 
slabs of stone almost 26 ft. long, and over 10 ft. thick, would 
have been required. But the use of such the nature of the 
material would not permit, the buildings of Agrigent being not 
of marble but of a soft crumbling kind of chalk (Muschelkalk), 
which grows firmer in the course of time, but is wholly unavail- 
able for the covering of open spaces of considerable extension. 
In consequence, the Agrigentines were obliged to erect solid walls 
between the columns as high as the beams, and to place on them 
an architrave and frieze of single smaller blocks of stone. Instead 
of a free colonnade, the temple-house was therefore surrounded by 
a solid wall, with columns protruding by one-half of their 
circumference on the outer side, the corresponding places on the 
inner side being marked by pilasters. Whether the lighting of 
the building was hypaethral, or (as some archaeologists have rather 
rashly conjectured) was effected by means of windows in the 
upper part of the wall between the half-columns, must be left 
undecided. The cella is long and narrow, as is frequent in 
Sicilian monuments (see Figs. 21 and 23), and its walls were also 
adorned by pilasters. The place of the door is difficult to define, 
because of the quite unusual uneven number of seven columns at 
the facade. Kockerell thinks there must have been two doors, one 
on each side of the facade ; a native archaeologist, Politi, on the other 
hand, accepts one large door in the middle, but this divided into 
two entrances by the colossal statue of a giant instead of a pillar.* 
* This statue is still in existence ; it consists of several enormous blocks of stone, 



11. In our description of the Parthenon (see page 28) we 
noticed that the middle part of the cella was entirely open to the 
sky. This leads to a new form of the temple often used in larger 
designs, and called by Yitruvius the hypaethros. His description 
(leaving alone the prescriptions for the numbers of columns and 
other arrangements, which in this, as in most cases, by no means 
tally with the Greek monuments) is couched in the following 
terms : — " In the inside (of the cella) there are colonnades, with 
double rows of columns, separate from the walls, so that one may 
walk round them just as in the outer colonnades. Only the 
middle nave is open to the sky, and there are doors at both ends 
leading to the back house and front house. Specimens of this 
kind there are none in Home, but at Athens there are the eight- 
columned temple of Minerva, and the ten-columned one of the 
Olympian Jupiter." The former of these is none other than the 
Parthenon ; the latter we shall refer to in our description of 
Roman temples. 

We cannot enter upon the literary feud about the existence 
or non-existence of the hypaethral temple, considering (with 
Botticher) the question settled in the affirmative. For not even 
to mention the opinion that the services of certain gods required 
uncovered rooms, it seems natural that large buildings without 
windows, or even large doors, for lighting purposes, had an open 
space in the middle, which, moreover, was quite in accordance 
with the open court of the dwelling-house. Analogies between 
these two were frequent. In this way architectural necessity 
tallies perfectly with the statement of Yitruvius, which, moreover, 
is confirmed by a thorough investigation of genuine Greek 
monuments. There are distinguishable even several species of 
the hypaethros, which show that it had become necessary by the 
conditions of peculiar rites at an early period, and that its form 
and size might be modified in various ways. The simplest form 
of the hypaethros we have seen in the small temple on Mount 
Ocha (Fig. 6), where the small opening in the roof was most 

which have been found amongst the ruins, and arranged on the ground, forming a 
complete figure. It is generally supposed that a whole row of such statues used to 
carry the ceiling of the cella. But in that case most likely other fragments would 
have been found, which, at least during my own prolonged stay at Girgenti, has not 
been the case. 


likely required by the nature of Zeus and Hera, as divinities 
of the ether and sky. Amongst the peripteros-temples the 
examples of hypeethral cellse are not unfrequent.* "We mention 
first the temple of Apollo Epikurios, near the town of Phigalia in 
Arkadia. On the side of one of the mountain ranges which 
surround Phigalia in a wide circle, lies the village of Bassaa. 
Here, near the summit of Mount Kotilios, we find the ruins of a 
temple, which, barring a slight difference in the distances and the 
nature of the material, seems to agree perfectly with the descrip- 
tion in Pausanias of a sanctuary of Apollo Epikurios. According 
to him the temple was built by Iktinos, the architect of the 
Parthenon, and was surpassed in beauty amongst the temples of 
the Peloponnesos only by that of Athene Alea, near Tegea ; 
a remark which is the more important as Pausanias only in rare 
cases mentions the artistic value of a building. The remnants of 
the temple, which have been examined carefully for the first time 
in 1818, fully confirm this opinion, although a great part of the 
building had been purposely destroyed, most likely in order to 
obtain the bronze rivets joining the stones to each other. The 
original plan is, however, easily recognisable. The design 
(Fig. 26) shows a colonnade of thirty-eight columns (A A) ; six on 
each of the narrow, and fifteen on each of the long, sides (inclusive 
of the corner columns of the facades) ; all of these are preserved 
standing erect. The pronaos (B) is formed by the walls of the 
cella and two columns in ant is. The cella is divided into a 
covered space (D) and an uncovered one (C), the latter enclosed 
by strongly projecting pilasters. The fronts of the pilasters 
resemble Ionic half-columns, and show above the capitals a frieze 
representing battles of the Amazons in excellent bas-reliefs. The 
middle part of the space was open, and formed as it were a court 
surrounded by niches, adapted for the keeping of votive offerings 
by the frieze which protected their contents. The back part of 
the cella (D) was covered by a ceiling carried by two of the above- 
mentioned pilasters, which protruded obliquely from the wall of 
the cella, and besides by a single column, the latter serving at the 

* For the same reason we mention the hypaethros here, differing in this from 
the arrangement of Vitruvius, who goes hy the position of the outer columns. But 
the nature of a great number of peristylos-temples cannot be clearly understood 
without a previous knowledge of the hypaethros. 


same time as a specimen of the Korinthian order in its most simple 
form. Behind this was placed, according to Blouet's opinion, the 
statue of a god (b). There seems to 
have been a door in the back wall 
of the cella ; possibly there may 
have been a door in the place marked 
c leading to the colonnade at the side. 
Behind the cella follows the opistho- 
domos (E), enclosed by the wall 
of the former and two columns in 
antis. As a peculiarity of this temple, 
caused most likely by its locality, 
it is mentioned that the chief facade 
looked almost due north, instead of 
east, as was usually the case. 

One of the remaining temples 
at Psestum corresponds still more 
exactly with Yitruvius's description. 
Amongst the remnants there, which 
represent the severity and noble 
simplicity of the early Doric style, 
one temple is prominent, which, 
because of its size, is considered as 
the chief temple of the town; and, 
for the same reason, is generally 
supposed to have been dedicated to 
the protecting deity, Poseidon. It 
consists of a peripteros of six 
columns on each of the narrow, 
and fourteen on each of the long, 
sides ; the cella, surrounded by colonnades, has both in front and 
at the back two columns in antis. Through the pronaos one enters 
the cella, both sides of which show double rows of columns, as 
described by Yitruvius. On the back wall of the cella there are 
staircases, which can be distinctly recognised, nay even used, at 
the present day. They lead to the hyperoon or upper gallery, 
and between them is the entrance-door to the opisthodomos. 
Fig. 27 shows the interior of the temple in its present condition. 
It is 193 feet long by 81-| wide. 


Fis:. 26. 


To conclude, we mention the temple of Zens at Olympia. 
Amongst the ruins of this sacred place (situated in the plain of 

Fig. 27. 

the Alpheios and forming a brilliant centre of Greek national 
life), for some time remnants had been noticed which showed a 
better material than the bricks commonly used. After the libera- 
tion of Greece from the Turks a French exploring expedition 
closely investigated the place, and came to the conclusion that 
amongst these ruins the remnants of the celebrated temple of 
Zeus Olympios were preserved ; nay, it was even found possible 
to form from these a sufficiently clear notion of the sacred edifice 
which once enclosed the most sublime image of the father of the 
gods, the pride and joy of Greece. We shall have to consider 
further on the splendid festivities celebrated by the nation, as it 
were in the presence of the god ; here we must limit ourselves to 
the temple itself, which, next to the Parthenon, may be considered 
as the climax of artistic perfection, in the same way as in the 
statue of the god, by Phidias, it possessed the only work of sculp- 


ture which rivalled and in some respects surpassed the excellence 
of Athene Parthenos. " The style of the temple/' Pausanias says, 
in his simple description (V. 10), "is Doric; with regard to the 
exterior, it is a peristylos. The material is porous stone found on 
the spot. Its height, up to the top of the gable, is 68 feet, its 
width 95 feet, its length 230 feet. The architect was a local man 
named Libon. The tiles of the roof are not of burnt clay, but of 
Pentelic marble, resembling bricks in their shape. At the two 
corners of the gable there are gilt receptacles, and on the top of 
each of them there is a gilt figure of Nike." The occasion of 
building the temple was a victory of the Olympians over the 
inhabitants of the neighbouring city of Pisa (01. 52) ; but the 
completion of the sculptures on the metopa and gables, by Phidias 
and his pupils, did not take place till Olympiad 86. Of the 

1 © • 




> i 

> # 




I ~z z . 



© © © 

© © 

© I 










m © © 

© © 



\9 © 




m m 

# m © 

) @ 

Fig. 28. 

surrounding colonnade a (see Fig. 28) only nine columns have 
been found in different places, besides parts of the wall of the 
cella with the antse, between the latter of which there were two 
columns both in front and at the back. In the pronaos b there 
has been found, underneath a Poman pavement which consists of 
marble and oriental alabaster, a roughly composed mosaic of 
pebbles, such as are found in the Alpheios, which represents sea- 
gods and goddesses, and which undoubtedly was the original floor. 
Close by this was the base of a statue, also mentioned by Pausanias, 
such as are frequently met with in the entrance-halls of temples. 
The cella was divided into different parts, the middle one (e) being' 
uncovered and surrounded by two colonnades in two stories ; in con- 
nection with it there was a smaller covered compartment (d), which 
contained the statue of the god. Zeus was represented as sitting 



on a throne, which is described as an elaborate structure of cedar 
wood, laid in with ebony and richly adorned with valuable stones 
and sculptures. The base was also richly decorated in accordance 
with the figure itself. The face, the chest, the naked upper part 
of the body, and the feet were of ivory ; the eyes consisted of 
brilliant stones. The waving hair and beard were of solid gold, 
as was also the figure of Nike which the god held in his extended 
right hand ; the sceptre in his other hand was composed of dif- 
ferent precious metals. The drapery covering the lower part of 
the body was also of gold, with flowers in a kind of enamel. But 
all this splendour of valuable materials was as nothing compared 
with the grandeur of the divine form. In this Phidias had em- 
bodied the description of those wonderful lines of the Iliad 
(I. 528) which lived in the memory of every Greek — 

\l, feed KvaveijGiv eit 6(ppv<Ji veuve KpovLwV 
afifipoGiai V apa ycurai hteppwaavTO clvclktos 
h-paro? cltc dOavciTOLO' jie^av 5'eAeA£§ei/"OAu/x7roiA 

So he sat, sublime and inapproachable, and yet mildly inclin- 
ing towards the spectator, perhaps the most perfect realisation of 
the Greek ideal of godhead, and therefore the goal of every one's 

Fig. 29. 

longing ; not to have seen the Olympian Zeus was considered as 
a misfortune. The height of the statue was 40 feet, almost too 
colossal, in proportion to the surrounding architecture, so that the 
Greeks themselves used to say that if the god rose from his seat 
he would knock in the roof overhead. On both sides of the room 
containing the statue there were steps leading to the upper 


gallery and most likely open to the spectators for a closer view 
of the statue and the single ornaments. In front of the statue 
a piece of black marble pavement has been discovered, which quite 

Fig. 30. 

tallies with a statement of Pausanias ; for, according to him, a piece 
of the floor immediately before the statue was paved with black 
marble, instead of white stone ; this piece was surrounded with an 
enclosure of white Parian marble, and into it oil was poured so 
as to preserve the statue from the dampness of the soil, in the 
same way as the evaporation of water was considered beneficial to 
the statue of Athene in the dry atmosphere of the Akropolis. 
Behind the back wall of the cella was the opisthodomos, which 
again, through the columns between the antae, opened into the 
peristylos. Fig. 29 shows the length, Fig. 30, on a little larger 
scale, the width, of the temple. 

12. The peripteros, i.e. the temple-house wholly surrounded 
by columns, marks the ultimate completion of Greek architecture. 
There were certainly a great many varieties of the form so gained, 
as, for instance, the formation of the cella as antse-temple, pro- 
stylos, and amphiprostylos, and many modifications of the interior 
arrangement ; still, the idea of a temple-house surrounded by 
colonnades is common to all of them. But this idea itself might 
be enlarged by adding to the first row of columns a second one, 
so as to form a double colonnade or pteron. This temple was 



called by the Greeks, very appropriately, a vao's Uirrepo^* i.e. a 
temple with a double pteron. "The dipteros," Vitruvius says, 
" has eight columns both in front and at the back, but round the 
cella it has a double colonnade. Of this order are the Doric 
temple of Quirinus, and the Ionic one of Diana built by Ktesiphon." 

This rule of Vitruvius does, as is 
often the case, not tally with the 
remaining monuments, the num- 
ber of the columns in the facades 
being occasionally ten, instead of 
eight as prescribed by him. Of 
the two mentioned specimens, the 
temple of Quirinus was at Rome, 
erected by Augustus ; the other 
one is one of the most brilliant 
examples of this order, which 
seems to have been used chiefly 
by the luxurious Greeks of the 
colonies in Asia Minor. The 
temple of Artemis at Ephesos 
(see § 2) was built at a very 
early period, and always con- 
sidered as the earliest and 
at the same time one of the 
grandest and most perfect speci- 
mens of the Ionic style (see 
§ 4). It was afterwards con- 
siderably enlarged, but the 
original plan was not essentially 
modified. For a long time it 
was mentioned as the absolute 
perfection of the rich Ionic 

• • © 
##<§)(§) (§> • « • •« 

Fig. 31. 

style, and counted by the ancients themselves amongst the seven 

* To be quite complete we ought to add, that denominations of this kind were 
also derived from the number of the columns of the fa9ades. A temple, the facade of 
which had four columns, was called a tetrastylos (see Figs. 16 — 19) ; one with six was 
called a hexastylos (see Figs. 21 — 23) ; the Parthenon with its eight columns was an 
oktastylos (see Figs. 24, 25); the ten-columned temple of Apollo of Miletos (Fig. 31) 
a dekastylos ; and the votive temple at Eleusis a dodekastylos, because of the 
twelve columns of its portico (see Fig. 39). 


wonders of the world. Remnants of the building have quite 
lately been discovered by English excavations, but accounts 
have not yet been published ; we, therefore, cannot enter into a 
detailed description, although the plan of the temple may be guessed 
with tolerable certainty from the accounts of the ancients them- 
selves. We add, instead, the design of a temple (Fig. 31), which, with 
regard to both size and splendour, might vie with that of Artemis, 
and which must be considered as an equally important specimen 
of the dipteros. It is the temple of Apollo Didymseos at Miletos. 
Miletos was one of the richest and most important colonies of the 
lonians on the coast of Asia Minor. According to tradition, 
it had been originally inhabited by the Karians, from whom it 
was taken by the Kretans ; afterwards the lonians chose it as a 
colony ; they increased it and raised it to one of the most import- 
ant commercial cities, whose ships sailed to all parts of the Medi- 
terranean and beyond the Columns of Herkules, and, on the other 
side, carried their wares into the Pontus Euxinus. The names of 
the philosophers Thales and Anaximander, and of the historians 
Kadmos and Hekataeos, prove the existence of scientific culture 
combined with commercial industry. The same may be said of 
the fine arts, and particularly of architecture, the high develop- 
ment of which is shown in the remnants of the once- celebrated 
temple of Apollo. 

Connected with an oracle revered in this place ever since the 
time of the Kretan colony there had been built, at an early date, 
a temple of Apollo, the service in which had been, also for a long 
time, in the family of the Branchides. This older temple disap- 
peared in the general destruction of Miletos by the Persians 
(Olympiad 71, 3), but after the independence of the city was 
restored, in more splendid style, by the Milesian architects 
Pseonios and Daphnis ; it seems, however, never to have been 
quite finished. The plan was on the grandest scale ; the facade, 
consisting of ten columns, was longer almost by two-thirds 
than that of the Parthenon of Athens ; the columns were 6^- 
feet in diameter by 63 feet in height, and were slenderer than 
those of the Artemisin at Ephesos and of other Ionic temples. 
Accordingly, the beams were lighter and weaker, as is shown in 
the design of the facade (Fig. 32). Through the double colonnade 
(Fig. 31, A) one enters, first, the pronaos B, which was bounded 


towards the peristylos by four columns in antis, and the walls of 
which were adorned by pilasters with very rich Korinthian 

Fig. 32. 

capitals. Through a small room (C), destined either for the 
keeping of treasures or for staircases, one entered the cella (D), 
most likely open in the middle, and enclosed at the sides by colon- 
nades. There seems to have been no opisthodomos surrounded 
by walls. 

13. The dipteros, as we have seen, was only an enlargement 
of the peripteros ; the pseudo-dipteros, on the other hand (the last 
temple with a square cella in the list of Yitruvius), is a kind of 
medium between peripteros and dipteros, and is, therefore, men- 
tioned by Yitruvius between the two. The explanation of the 
name is similar to that of the pseudo-peripteros ; it means a temple 
which has the appearance of a dipteros without being one in 
reality, i.e. the pseudo-dipteros seems to have two colonnades 
without having them ; or, to say the same in different words, its 
external plan is exactly like that of a dipteros, but that the 
second row of columns between the exterior one and the wall of 
the cella has been omitted. " Pseudo-dipteros," Yitruvius says, 
" is called a temple which has eight columns in front and at the 
back, there being fifteen columns on each of the longer sides 
inclusive of the corner columns. But the walls of the cella, both 
in front and at the back, are exactly opposite the four middle 
columns. The interval between the exterior columns and the 
walls is, therefore, all round, equal to two interstices and one 
diameter of the bottom part of a column." Evidently this order, 




which is approved of by Yitruvius on account of its picturesque- 
ness and of the saving of the interior colonnade, is a thing 
between a dipteros and a peripteros. With the latter it has in 
common the one colonnade round the whole cella ; with the 
former the circumstance of this colonnade being wide enough to 
give room for an imaginary interior row of columns. It is said to 
have been invented by Hermogenes about the time of Alexander 
the Great, but one does not see why it should not have occurred 
before. At Selinus, at least, the largest of the temples on the 
eastern hill of the city is built in this style. It is, like the other 
buildings of that city, in the Doric style, but approaching the 
Attic by the gracefulness of its proportions. Fig. 33 shows the 
plan of this temple. The colonnade A surrounding the temple 
has exactly the width of two interstices and one bottom diameter 
of the columns. The pronaos B is formed by the projecting 

^ © © © 



000 o°o o 1 


© m © © © © ® 

Q O 

Q Q 

lalm Sic, 

Fi<?. 33. 

antse- walls and six detached columns. The cella (C) seems to 
have been open and surrounded by colonnades ; behind it follows 
the opisthodomos D. 

There were several Ionic temples of this order ; Hermogenes, 
named by Yitruvius as its inventor, is indeed the architect who 
for the first time treated the Ionic style according to a scientific 
system, in opposition to the Doric style, to which he objects on 
the ground of several irregularities. The temple of Artemis 
Leukophryne at Magnesia on the Mseandros, cited by Yitruvius, 
was, to judge from the discovered remnants, of the Ionic order, 
as was also, most probably, the temple of Apollo at Alabanda, 
the native city of Hermogenes, also mentioned by Yitruvius. 

4 2 



We quote, as an example of the Ionic pseudo-dipteros, the temple 
at Aphrodisias in Karia, which was built in the early times of the 

empire, and the ruins of which are 
exceptionally well preserved. The 
protecting goddess of Aphrodisias 
was Aphrodite, as indicated by 
this name being substituted for 
the original Ninoe, and her service 
was celebrated with a splendour 
evidently influenced by the wor- 
ship of similar Asiatic deities. This 
was often the case in Asia Minor. 
For these reasons it is not unlikely 
that the mentioned temple was 
dedicated to Aphrodite. It is of 
large dimensions and easy, grace- 
ful proportions, quite in accord- 
ance with the nature of the goddess 
and her service. 

Tig. 34 shows the plan* of 
the temple divided into the colon- 
nade (A), the pronaos (B), and 
the cella (C, D) ; Fig. 35 represents a sketch of the facade, 

Fig-. 34. 

Fig. 35. 

elegant and graceful in its proportions. Peculiar to it are the 
* The width, of the inside of the cella is about 22 ft. 6 in. English measure. 


little tablets on the shafts of the columns with Greek votive 
inscriptions, which interrupt the flutings. 

14. Hitherto we have discovered as the fundamental idea of 
the most widely different temples, the oblong square cella, the 
house of the god, surrounded by columns in various ways, and 
divided for the purposes of the service into pronaos, cella, and 
opisthodomos. This was, indeed, the prevalent form of all Greek 
sacred edifices, even of the chapels (voligkol). 

There are, however, some exceptions to this rule. First, with 
regard to shape, there are the round temples. But, besides this, 
there may be different arrangements of the interior, or even of 
the whole plan of the building, caused by the peculiar require- 
ments of the service. A specimen of the former variation was 
the double temple ; one of the latter, the votive temple. 

a. The round-temple we can mention but briefly. Vitruvius, 
it is true, mentions it in his list of different temples, but with- 
out reference to Greek specimens, as has been the case with regard 
to those hitherto considered. The only specimen of the round 
temple in existence is, as far as my knowledge goes, the tholos 
of Polykleitos, in the hieron of Asklepios near Epidauros ; the 
foundation walls, together with some remnants of the geison, are 
preserved. There are, however, some analogous buildings men- 
tioned in the records of the ancients. In the agora of Sparta, 
not far from the Skias, stood a circular building containing the 
statues of Zeus and Aphrodite, surnamed the " Olympian " (Paus, 
III. 12, 11). The expression, tholos (60X09), applied by 
Pausanias to the building near the Buleuterion at Athens, where 
the prytanes used to sacrifice, also seems to indicate a circular 
form. Small figures of silver, and the statues of the heroes 
presiding over the single tribes (<pv\ai), were placed in them. 
Some temples at Platseae and Delphi seem also to have been 
of a round form; we know, however, nothing else about their 
plans. A round house, oiKyj/uLa 7repi(j)epe<?, stood in the Altis grove 
at Olympia. It was erected by Philip, king of the Makedo- 
nians, after the battle of Chaeronea (01. 110, 3), and was called, 
after him, the Philippeum. It was made of burnt bricks, there 
were columns round it (peripteros), and on the top there was a 
brass decoration in the form of a poppy-head, which served, at the 
same time, to fasten the beams of the roof. In the interior were 



placed the statues of Philip, his father Amyntas, his son 
Alexander the Great, and those of Olympia and Eurydike, 
wrought in gold and ivory by Leochares. Whether or not the 

Philippeum had the significance of a 
temple, it may, in any case, be consi- 
dered as analogous to the round temple, 
for which reason we have added (Fig. 
36) the original plan of the building as 
designed by Hirt. 

That form of the round temple which 
Yitruvius designates as monopteros, con- 
sisting of an open circle of columns 
with beams and a roof placed on them, 
is specified by the analogous Choragic 
monument of Lysikrates at Athens. To this we shall have to 
return in speaking of profane architecture (§ 24, Fig. 152). 

b. • The double temple. Several temples are mentioned by the 
ancients in which two deities were adored, each in a separate 
room. In this case the cella had to be divided, whence the 
expression vaos hurXovs ; and this seems to have been done in 
various ways. The one least in use seems to have been that of 
putting the rooms of the different gods one on the top of the other. 
Of this, Pausanias knows only one example, viz., an old temple at 
Sparta dedicated to the " armed Aphrodite," whose image was 
placed in it. This temple had an upjDer story dedicated to 
Morpho. Morpho, however, was, according to Pausanias, only a 
surname of Aphrodite. Her image in the upper temple was, 
unlike the other, without arms. The goddess was represented 
with her feet in fetters and veiled, most likely in allusion to her 
significance as the goddess of death. 

More frequent was the division of the cella into two level 
rooms, one by the side or at the back of the other. The separa- 
tion of the cella by a wall built parallel to the length of the 
temple (such as it might be found in an Egyptian temple at 
Ombos) seems not to have been used by the Greeks. The double 
temple of Asklepios and Leto at Mantinea, cited by Hirt as a 
specimen of this division, may (according to the statement of 
Pausanias, YIII. 9, 1) just as well have been divided by a cross- 
wall right in the middle of the cella. 



The last-mentioned division of the cella is proved by several 
other temples. At Sikyon, for instance, Hypnos, the god of 
sleep, and Apollo, surnamed Karneios, were adored in a double 
temple. The image of Hypnos was in the front compartment, 
while the interior was dedicated to Apollo ; the latter, only priests 
were allowed to enter (Pausanias, II. 10, 2). 

Another double temple at j\Iantinea was dedicated to Aphro- 
dite and Ares. Pausanias remarks that the entrance to the room 
of Aphrodite was on the eastern, that to the apartment of Ares on 
the western, side. 

Of a partition of the temple by a cross-wall we have an 
instructive example in the sanctuary of the old Attic deities 
Athene Polias, Poseidon and Erechtheus, and the daughter of 
Kekrops, Pandrosos, situated in the Akropolis of Athens, and 
called promiscuously temple of Athene Polias, Erechtheion, or 
Pandroseion. At a very early period there was, opposite the long 
northern side of the Parthenon, a temple which, according to 
Herodot, was dedicated jointly to Athene Polias and the Attic 
hero, Erechtheus. (01. 68, 1.) Xing Kleomenes, of Sparta, who 
had expelled Klisthenes from Athens, was refused the entrance 
into this temple because in it were placed the national deities of 
the Athenians (01. 75, 1) ; this temple was destroyed by fire while 
the Persians held the city. ?v"ot unlikely the rebuilding of the 
Erechtheion was begun by Perikles together with that of the other 
destroyed temples of the Akropolis ; but as it was not finished by 
him, it is generally not mentioned amongst his works. From the 
fourth year of Olympiad 92 we have a special account of the state 
of the building. From a public document, in which the architects 
give an account of their work, we gather that, at that time the 
walls and columns of the temple were finished, only the roof and 
the working out of details remaining undone. This temple was 
renowned amongst the ancients as one of the most beautiful and 
perfect in existence, and seems to have remained almost intact 
down to the time of the Turks. The siege of Athens by the 
Venetians in 1687 seems to have been fatal to the Erechtheion, as 
it was to the Parthenon. Stuart found the walls and columns 
still erect, but part of the architrave, half of the frieze, and almost 
the whole cornice were destroyed ; stones, rubbish, and the ruins 
of the roof covered the floor ; in the northern entrance-hall was a 

4 6 


powder magazine. At present the temple has been restored as far 
as possible. 

The plan of this building, which represents the Attic-Ionic 
style in its highest development, is, for various reasons connected 
with the divine service, one of the most complicated we know of 
during the Greek period (Fig. 37*). The chief part of it we must 


Fig. 37. JST. 

consider as a cella stretching from west to east ; the masonry 
is 73 feet in length by 37 in width ; on the eastern side a 
pronaos is formed by a portico of six Ionic columns. A door led 
from this pronaos into the cella (B) dedicated to Athene Polias, 
which could be entered only from this eastern side ; it was 
separated from the cella (C) of Poseidon Erechtheus by an 
uninterrupted crossrwall. Another wall, interrupted by three 
entrances (I H Gr), separated the Erechtheion proper from the 
cella of Pandrosos — a small apartment, not unlike a corridor (D), 
which finished the building towards the west. The western outer 
wall was adorned with columns, between the intercolumnia of 
which there were windows, but it had no entrance corresponding 
to that on the eastern side. The entrance into the Pandroseion — 

* Compare the plan of the Akropolis, Fig. 52, B. 


and through it into the middle room of the Erechtheion — consisted 
of a pronaos (E) carried by six slender and richly decorated Ionic 
columns (compare Fig. 10), and situated at the western end of the 
northern long side ; from it a beautiful and still-preserved door 
led into the sanctuary. Corresponding to this pronaos we discover, 
at the western end of the southern long side, a small graceful hall 
(F), the ceiling of which is carried, instead of columns, by six 
caryatides, representing Athenian maidens (compare Fig. 214) ; 
a small postern led from this hall down into the Pandroseion. 
Thus much about the plan and arrangement of the interior of the 
temple, as gathered from Botticher's clever researches. A con- 
jectural reconstruction of this beautiful edifice is shown, Fig. 38 ; 
it is the more authentic as the remaining portions, although partly 
displaced and damaged, still give a distinct notion of the former 
state, even with regard to ornamental details. 

Fig. 38. 

c. We will conclude our survey of the exceptional forms of 
Greek temples with a description of the great votive temple at 
Eleusis. The sanctuaries hitherto considered were habitations of 
the deity represented by its image. Greek temples, as a rule, 
were not destined for the reception of crowds with a view to 
common religious ceremonies. Individuals might enter to pray 
and offer, or to gaze at the divine images ; but the great religious 

4 8 


festivities took place outside the temple. There were, however, 
a few holy edifices for the purpose of common prayer ; which, there- 
fore, were not only houses of the gods but also places for religious 
meetings. These were the so-called votive temples (reKeaT^pia, 
fdeyapa), destined for the celebration of mysteries ; and, therefore, 
constructed on an entirely different plan from other temples. 
The great importance of the mysteries for antique life is well 
known ; they date from early Pelasgic times, but their symbolic 
celebration, relating to the divinities of the earth and its culture, 
was in the acme of Greek development combined with artistic 
energy of every kind. The original import of their mystical 
doctrine was rendered in mimico- dramatic representations, and 
formed at the same time the subject of choral hymns. For this 
purpose large rooms were required, and the only building of this 
kind known to us, viz., the Megaron at Eleusis, is indeed unique 
in its arrangements. It has at present disappeared almost trace- 
lessly, but former excavations throw a sufficiently distinct light on 
various important points of its interior arrangements (Fig. 39). 
The temple was quadrangular in form, from 212 to 216 feet long by 
178 wide ; in front was a portico of twelve columns which formed 
the pronaos (A). The second compartment, which one entered 

by a door from the pronaos, formed 
g» an almost perfect square ; it was divided 
into five parallel naves by four rows of 
columns. The columns, some of which 
have been found, carried galleries, as 
in the hypgethral temple, but that 
in this case they were broader, and 
rested on two rows of columns respect- 
ively (C and D). The space in the 
middle (B) extended through both 
stories, and formed a kind of central 
nave of increased height. Plutarch 
mentions the history of the building in 
his life of Perikles, its originator. 
According to him, Koroibos, most likely under the supervision of 
Iktinos, began the Telesterium ; he also erected the columns of the 
first story, and covered them with their architraves. After his death, 
Metagenes added the frieze and erected the upper columns (i.e., the 

r 1 


5 © 

Fig. 39. 


Fig. 40. 

columns of the upper story) ; the opening over the anaktoron 
(viz. the centre nave B) was covered by Xenokles. Underneath 
the floor was a kind of crypt, supported by short cylindrical props 
(Cylinderspitzen) , and used, perhaps, for preparing the above- 
mentioned mimical representations. On the side opposite the 
entrance a raised terrace was added to 
the temple, to which led, through a 
narrow square courtyard, an entrance 
decorated with columns. Most likely 
there was a door also on this side, des- 
tined for the conductors of the myste- 
ries (mystagogoi), while the large door 
in the facade gave entrance to the 
initiated, into the holy chambers. Fig. 
40 shows a rich Corinthian capital of a pilaster found amongst 
the ruins, and belonging, most likely, to the decorations of the 

15. In looking back on the interior arrangements and the 
surroundings of the temples, we are struck again by their rich and 
solemn appearance. Wherever the situation made it possible, the 
temple was secluded from the current of profane life ; it stood in 
a peribolos, which, at the same time, served to receive the votive 
offerings less appropriate for the interior. Here were symbols of 
the gods, trees, rocks, and fountains, frequently with holy tradi- 
tions attaching to them; here were statues sometimes wholly 
exposed to the air, or else protected by elegant small roofs ; heroa, 
or small chapels {vcllgkoi), and altars used for the reception of 
offerings, and often dedicated to several deities ; nay, even groves 
and gardens were comprised in these enclosures. 

The most important were the altars (/3w/xo9, 6vr{]piov) on 
which burnt -offerings were devoted to the deity of the temple. 
Burnt-offerings of the flesh of living creatures did not take 
place in the interior of the temple (see § 59). They were 
performed on the thymele before the pronaos, the doors being- 
open at the time so that the image of the god celebrated could 
look on the altar. It need not be mentioned that in large temples 
these altars were decorated with great splendour. Originally they 
were only natural hillocks which gradually increased in size 
by the ashes and horns of the burnt animals, and soon became 


capable of architectural and sculptural development. Pausanias 
describes (V. 13) the altar of the Olympian Zeus as an artificial 
structure, the base (icpvprU or irpoOvais) of which was 125 feet in 
circumference. On this stood the altar proper, 22 feet in height ; 
stone steps led to the pro thy sis, and thence to the uppermost 
platform of the altar, to which women had no access. The altar, 
Pausanias adds, consisted of the ashes of the thighs of the killed 
animals, as was also the case with an altar of Hera of Samos ; the 
altars of the Olympian Hera, of the Olympian Gaia, and of Apollo 
Spodios at Thebes, also consisted of ashes ; while an altar near the 
large temple of Apollo Didymseos, at Miletos, was composed of 
the blood of the slaughtered animals. We also hear of altars of 
wood ; at Olympia there was one of unburnt tiles which once 
every Olympiad was rubbed with chalk. For the greater part, 
however, the larger and more elaborate altars were made of stone, 
the inside being possibly filled up with earth. An altar at 
Pergamon is distinctly stated to have consisted of marble ; the 

Pausanias (Y. 14, 5) calls the 
altar of Artemis of Olympia 
square, and gradually rising up- 
wards; square was, also, the 
colossal altar at Parion, said 
to have been one stadium (600 
feet) in length and width. A 
specimen of an altar in the 
form of a terrace we have in 
that devoted to Zeus Hypatos, 
or Hypistos, at Athens (Fig. 41). 
It was cut from the living rock 
and formed, partly by nature, 
partly by the hand of man, into a terrace, visible from afar, up 
to which led steps and well-constructed paths. Professor E. Curtius 
has proved this structure to be an altar, and not the Pnyx, or 
place of public assembly, as was formerly supposed. It was one 
of those places of oldest Athenian worship, connected with the 
"highest Jove ; " which, with the increase of the city, was raised 
and enlarged proportionally. (See the perspective view, Fig. 42.) 

Facing the altar for burnt-offerings rises the facade of the 
temple, consisting of beautiful marble; or, if made of lesser 

shape was usually quadrangular. 

Fig. 41. 


material, clad with delicate stucco, discreetly coloured, a modifica- 
tion of the glaring whiteness, also occasionally applied to the 
protruding details of a marble erection. Now and then votive 
offerings are fastened to the facade, in addition to the sculptures 
of the frieze and pediment. Tripods and statues crown the top 
of the gable, golden tripods or other statuary ornaments are placed 
on its edges, and golden shields were often hung up on the 
architrave, as, for instance, in the Parthenon. Statues of priests 
and priestesses stand at the sides of the entrance ; the number and 
value of the offerings and statues increase on entering the 
pronaos ; frequently valuable plate was kept here, partly for the 
purposes of the service, as, for instance, basins for washing, partly 
with a view to alluding to sacred events, as in the case of the 

Fig. 42. 

couch of Hera in the pronaos of the Herseon, near Mykenae ; in 
its vicinity was also placed, as an anathema, the shield which 
Menelaos had snatched from Euphorbos before Troy. The cella 
was fitted up in a similar but still more splendid style. The 
divine image is enthroned in a carefully secluded space, frequently 
in a separate niche, but always under a shelter from above. The 
images of friendly deities (apelpoi) were frequently placed in its 
vicinity, surrounded at a greater distance by statues and offerings 
of various kinds. Very important was the oblation-table (tepa or 
Ovwpd? rpaire^a) placed before the image, and corresponding to the 

e 2 



Fig. 45 

burnt-offering altar outside, but destined only for bloodless offer- 

Even in their homes the Greeks bad sucb sacred tables, near 
or on which were placed statues of the gods, and dishes with the 
first portions of the food. Where one and the same cella was 
devoted to several divinities, each of them had a 
separate Tpcure^a inside, and an altar of burnt- 
offerings outside, of the temple. The thymele in 
front of the pronaos and the trapeza before 
the image are the chief criteria of what Botti- 
cher calls the cultus-temple, i.e. of a temple 
which served for the performance of sacra and 
other devotional acts of the people represented 
by the priests. Both were wanting in another 
class of temples, viz. the agonal 
CTlBy 1 or f es ti ye temples. In these the 
trapeza was supplanted by the 
bema, from the top of which the 
prizes gained in the agon were 
distributed. Although occasionally 
portable, the altars were generally 
made of stone. Some of them are 
known from pictures, others have 
been rediscovered. On an earthen 
vessel found at Athens an altar is 
depicted with a fire burning on it 
in honour of Zeus, whom we dis- 
cover standing by the side of it, 
together with Nike. On a low 
pedestal is raised a small erection with ornaments like volutes 
(Fig. 43). Stuart has found, at Athens, an octagonal altar 
adorned with garlands, skulls of bulls, and knives (Fig. 44). A 
round altar of white marble, with similar ornaments, and a small 
erection, have been found in the island of Delos (Fig. 45) . Valuable 
implements of the service, like candlesticks, basins, or small votive 
offerings, were placed on tables, as is shown, for instance, in a 
terra-cotta reproduction (see Fig. 46). 

16. The highest splendour of Greek architecture was shown 
where several temples were placed together in one particular 




' ■ • '" nr minium, m*»* 



Fief. 44. 



space devoted to the gods. Of such centres of Greek life and 
religious worship several are known to us ; as, for instance, the 
grove Altis, at Olympia, where an abundance of architectural 
monuments were crowded together, and where the agility and 
beauty displayed by the youth in the games, celebrated in honour 
of Zeus, offered plentiful suggestions to the sculptor. At other 
places competitions in music and poetry were added to the display 
of gymnastic skill, which formed the prominent feature of 
Olympian festivals. But even where no such games took place, 
several sanctuaries were frequently built together. At Grirgenti, 
even at the present day, a row of temples is discoverable on a 

height overlooking the sea ; at Selinunt there are two groups of 
buildings on two hills, and the remaining three ruins of temples 
at Paestum seem also to have belonged to a group. 

The entrances to such holy enclosures were always decorated 
with a splendour corresponding to their sanctity and beauty ; the 
largeness and beauty of the entrance-gate, or portal, indeed, 
seemed to indicate in advance the corresponding importance of the 
place. The simplest kind consisted of a gate rising in command- 
ing dimensions over the wall of the peribolos. Perhaps an 
entrance-portal of this kind must be recognised in a separate gate 
of beautiful stone which has been discovered standing erect in 



Fig. 47. 

the small island of Palatia, near Naxos (Fig. 47) ; its inner width 
is 3,45 metres. Palatia was connected with the larger Naxos by 
means of a bridge, and had a temple, near which the mentioned 
portal has been found ; it consists of a threshold, which origin- 
ally seems to have been level with 
the ground, over which it is raised 
at the present time ; it is also pos- 
sible that there were steps leading 
up to it ; the posts and the lintel 
are divided into three parallel stripes 
like an Ionic architrave, and sur- 
rounded with a simple cornice. 

Where the entrance-structure was 
developed more richly it was natural 
to conform its appearance to the chief 
model of Greek architecture, the 
temple itself. The simplest kind of 
this conformity is displayed in the 
beautiful portal leading to the peribolos of the temple of Athene, 
at Sunion, on the southern point of Attika. To this building 
(see the plan, Fig. 48) the name propybea may be applied, 
which was the general denomination of portal- erections. The 
propykea of Sunion resemble in their design a temple with 
two columns in antis on the two small sides, 
and with the cross-wall of the cella left 
out. When the plan of this building was 
first made public, it was thought that in 
the space covered by the roof no cross- wall 
had been intended, but Blouet has since 
discovered that the actual gates, formed 
by two pillars (ab), were in this cross- wall. 
These pillars, or shall we call it a broken 
wall, divided the whole space into two 
halves, of which the outer one (A) forms a 
kind of portico, while the second division (B) is turned towards 
the inside of the peribolos and the temple itself. In the latter 
stood marble benches (cd) against both the side walls. 

Richer forms and developments are shown by the propylaea 
of the two temple- enclosures best known to us, viz. at Eleusis 


s © @ 


id B c 

1 H HI 

b a 


Fig. 48. 



and in the Akropolis of Athens. The former was destined to 
enclose the large votive temple described above (§ 14, Fig. 39). 
In the plan (Fig. 49) the walls of both an outer (A) and inner 

Fig. 49. 

{a a) peribolos are recognisable. The entrance is formed by the 
large propylsea (B), near which the above-mentioned temple of 
Artemis Propylaea is situated (see Fig. 15). These propylaea 

form a square space, enclosed by a wall on each side, and by a 
portico of six Doric columns, both in front and at the back. 
Inside, there is a cross-wall (Fig. 50), interrupted by five doors 



corresponding to the intercoluinnia of the portico ; it divides the 
whole space into two compartments, in the larger of which there 
are two rows of three Ionic columns each. The same arrangement 
we shall haye to mention again in the propylsea of Athens, after 
which those of Eleusis were fashioned. On entering the outer 
peribolos, through this beautiful building, one encounters a 
second smaller erection of propylaea (C), which leads into the 
inner peribolos. The latter lies higher than the other parts, and 
is also surrounded by a wall (ad). It surrounds the votive temple 
(D) at a moderate distance. The plan of the smaller propylasa 
is shown, Fig. 51. They also are enclosed by walls on the two long 

e „ R 

Fig. 51. 

sides ; a cross-wall divides the whole space into two halves. The side 
where the entrance lay was open in front, and had columns which 
supported the roof. By the walls, to right and left, are raised 
steps (ab) ; the part in front of the columns (A) had an even 
pavement, while in part B the pavement rises gradually to the 
amount of about sixteen inches. Into the well-preserved floor 
grooves have been cut, seemingly destined for the wheels of 
vehicles, or for rollers. The small inner space (C) was separated 
from the last-mentioned one by a door, the leaves of which opened 
inside, as is still recognisable by marks on the floor. On the right 
and left sides, the passage (C) is joined towards the interior by 


two smaller rooms, like niches, in which, most likely, statues were 
placed ; in front of these are some holes (cd), carefully worked 
out, and evidently connected with the exhibitions which here took 
place. Altogether, the mentioned details seem to indicate that 
this entrance was used to prepare the visitors for the ceremonies 
in the votive temple, by arrangements or exhibitions of some 

The greatest splendour of antique art, however, was displayed 
in the propylsea which formed the entrance to the Athenian 
Akropolis. The Akropolis is situated on a table-land 1,150 feet in 
length, and 500 broad in the widest places ; being 160 feet high, 
and of steep ascent except where it slopes towards the town. The 
Akropolis, in a manner, marks the beginning of Athens, both as a 
state and a city, having been, at a very early period, surrounded by 
walls, and containing the oldest national sacred monuments. The 
old temples were destroyed by fire during the Persian occupation, 
but when liberty and prosperity were restored they once more 
rose from their ashes with renewed splendour (see plan of the 
Akropolis, Fig. 52) ; the temple of the Wingless Mke (Figs. 17, 
18, and 52, D) was erected here, so as to attach the goddess of 
victory to Athens ; here rose in majestic severity the Parthenon 
(A), and the graceful structure devoted to Athene Polias and 
Erechtheus (B), while between both stood the imposing form of 
Athene Promachos (E) as in defence of the castle. Numerous 
holy statues, altars, architectural groups, and other ornaments, 
stood around these splendid monuments ; and it was but natural 
that the entrance to this beautiful and hallowed spot should be 
adorned with splendour. For this purpose the propylsea (C) 
were erected by Mnesikles on the side looking towards the 
city ; the building of it took from 437 till 432 (b.c), and the 
expense amounted to 2,012 talents. The chief part of the 
building consisted of a large square, enclosed by walls on the 
right and left, but opening towards both the city and the Akropolis 
by means of porticoes. Nearest to the inner portico, which was 
slightly raised, a wall went right across the space, being inter- 
rupted by five doors corresponding to the intercolumnia of the 
former (see Fig. 50) ; these doors formed the entrance proper. 
Between this wall and the outer portico lay a space of not incon- 
siderable dimensions, which was divided into three naves by 



means of two rows of Ionic columns, each row consisting of three 

The unevenness of the soil was equalised by means of steps, 
but between the mentioned centre columns a gently ascending 
road was hewn into the rock, so as to effect a commodious entrance 
for the carts laden with the splendid peplos of Athene, which 
formed a feature of the procession of the Panathenaea. The whole 
space was covered with slender marble cross-pieces, which spanned 
the naves and carried a rich and graceful casket- work (Cassetten- 
werh). Two lower side- wings with porticoes joined the chief 

Fig. 52. 

A. Parthenon. D. Temple of Nike Apteros. G. Terrace of Polygons. 

B. Erechtheion. E. Pedestal of Athene Promachos. H. Theatre of 

C. Propylsea. F. Steps in the rock. I. Theatre of Dionysos. 

facade, so as to add to its impression. The northern one, which is 
still well preserved, contained in its interior the celebrated paint- 
ings by Polygnotos from the Iliad and Odyssey ; and even at the 
present day its walls are covered with the smooth marble slabs 
which once served as the frames of these pictures. The other 
wing was of similar construction, but of lesser width; during the 
Middle Ages the materials of this building have been used for a 
watch-tower of the castle, which was inhabited by the Franconian 



dukes of Athens. Between these two buildings, which were in 
beautiful proportion with the great facade of the propylsea, 
ended the splendid marble steps placed in the slanting rock of the 
Akropolis ; their length was equal to the width of the propylaaa ; 
some of the steps are still in existence. Between these steps lay 
a wide^ carriage-road, paved with large slabs of marble, into which 
grooves had been chiselled for the wheels of the above-mentioned 
vehicle. Recent excavations have discovered the lower part of the 
steps, and the entrance-gate between two towers ; the gate, how- 
ever, is of Roman origin. 

17. After having discussed the Greek buildings supplying the 
ideal demands of the adoration of the gods, we now must turn to 
those which served the material purposes of life. 

Amongst these the walls ought to be mentioned first. We 
have noticed the habit of the Greeks of enclosing the precincts of 
their temples with walls, and the same feature we find repeated 
in the oldest specimens of their settlements. This is proved by the 
numerous remnants of old cities, both in Hellas and the Pelopon- 
nesos, which tend to show that wall-enclosures were amongst the 
very earliest productions of Greek architecture. The Greeks 
themselves ascribed these colossal structures to the Cyclops, a 
mythical race of giants, who are said to have come from Lykia, 
and to have taken a prominent part in building the walls of 
Tiryns. Nowadays these structures are generally called Pelasgic, 
owing to the opinion of their being built by the tribe of that 
name. This opinion seems to be confirmed by the fact that these 
monuments are generally found in places originally possessed by 
the Pelasgi. At Athens, the oldest parts of the fortifications of 
the Akropolis were called Pelasgic walls, and their erection was 
ascribed to the Pelasgi, who once had a settlement there (Paus. 
L, 28, 3). A third name applied to these walls refers to the 
mode of their construction. In the more ancient walls of this 
kind it consists in the piling on each other of rough, many-edged 
stones, and is therefore called polygonal building. Amongst the 
remaining monuments, the walls of Tiryns are most remarkable, 
which consist of large blocks of stone heaped on each other, the 
intervals being filled up by smaller stones. " Of the town," 
Pausanias says (II., 25, 8), "no remnants exist but the walls, 
which are the work of the Cyclops. They consist of rough stones. 



have been carried by a yoke of mules. 


each one of which is so large that the smallest of them could not 

At an early period smaller 
stones have been placed 
between, so as to join 
. the large ones together." 
In another place (IX., 
36, 5) he calls them quite 
as admirable as the pyra- 
mids of Egypt, both by 
the grandeur of their 
dimensions and the dim- 

Fig. 53. 

culty of the work required in erecting them. 

The walls of Tiryns seem to be, at the present time, in the 
same state as when Pausanias saw them. They have been 
examined by Grell, after whose drawing a fragment is reproduced 
in Fig. 53 (scale = 10 feet English measure). A second kind of 
these very old monuments show the stones still in their irregular 
polygonal form, but with some traces of workmanship upon them. 
The stones have been worked into the polygonal form nearest to 
their natural shape, and afterwards carefully joined together, so 
that the wall presents a firm uninterrupted surface. The finest 
specimens are found in the walls of the very ancient town of 
Mykenae, in Argolis (Fig. 54). They are of considerable thick- 
ness ; the two outer 
surfaces consist of hewn 
and carefully composed 
stones, while the space 
between is filled up with 
small stones and mortar. 
This kind of construction 
was called by the Greeks 
e/uL7r\eKTov ; it was fur- 
ther strengthened by the addition of solid inner cross- walls. The 
use of polygonal stones, as applied in the walls of Argos, Plataeae, 
Ithaka, Koronea, Same, and other places, may result in great 
firmness, by means of the stones being put together as in a vaulted 
structure. In consequence it was retained occasionally by the 
Greeks, even after the freestone construction has been intro- 
duced (see Fig. 13) ; in our own time it has been applied, for 

Fig. 54. 


instance, in the terraces which form the base of the Walhalla, at 
Regensburg, and in the protective walls on the shores of the 
Gferman Ocean, which Forchhammer has appropriately compared 
to Cyclopic-Pelasgic walls. 

Notwithstanding the advantages of polygonal structures, the 
desire for regularity led, at an early period, to the use of hori- 
zontal and regular layers of stones, as is shown by several old 
walls. The walls of Argos consist partly of horizontal arrange- 
ments of totally irregular stones. In some places, as, for instance, 
in the remnants found in -ZEtolia, the layers, although horizontal, 
are totally irregular with regard to the cross-joints ; while in other 
places, the transition to the regular freestone style is shown more 
distinctly by the application of vertical cross-joints. An instance 
of this are the walls of Psophis, 
in Arkadia (Fig. 55). A similar 
arrangement appears in a tower 
on the wall of Panopeus (Fig. 
56), and still more distinctly the 
regular freestone style is shown 
in the wall of Chaeronea, in 
Bceotia, which, moreover, has the 
peculiarity of not being perpendicular, but of showing a decided 
talus. (Compare the walls of OEniadae, Figs. 64 and 69.) 

The use of regular freestone afterwards became general 
amongst the Greeks. Not only the walls of temples, but also those 
of later cities were erected in this way, 
as is shown, for instance, by the well- 
preserved walls of Messene (built 371 
b.c), of which we shall give illustra- 
tions. As the most solid and, at the 
same time, most artistic walls, those are 
mentioned by means of which the 
Athenians had joined the Piraeus har- 
bour to their city. Unfortunately only 
few remnants, consisting of single large 
blocks of stone, are preserved. 

Fig. 57 (scale = 100 yards) shows the plan of the 
Tiryns, which may serve as a specimen of these ancient 

Fig. 55. 


Fi°\ 56. 

castle of 

A signifies a gate, C a tower, and B a road ascending from 



the lower plain ; D is the present entrance. "Near E and H are the 
galleries, to which we shall have to return ; near F is another 

Fig. 57. 

gate, up to which leads the road Gr. JSTear I a cistern has been 
found, and near K is another smaller gate. 

18. Concerning gates we have to add that, where the top of a 
mountain was transformed into a castle by means of walls, there 
was generally but one gate. There are, however, examples of 
such castles having several gates ; as, for instance, the above- 
mentioned Akropolis of Mykense. A town, on the other hand, as 
the centre of commerce, required numerous entrances ; and it was 
considered a particular honour to a city to have many gates, the 
fortified safeness of which symbolized, in a manner, its importance. 
The importance and size of the gates naturally depended on the 
importance of the roads which led to the city. In consequence 
we have to distinguish between gates and posterns (ttvKcli and 
TrvXices, Pforten), the most important amongst the former being 
called the large gate (/meyaKaL irvXai). Such was the dipylon 
at Athens, where met the roads from Eleusis and Megara, the 
large harbour road, and the roads from the Academy and the 
Kolonos ; while, inside, these were joined by the High and Market 
Street of the city ; in this way an enormous amount of traffic was 
concentrated in this one point. 

Originally the gates were of the simplest construction. Where 
the stones of the walls were left in a rough state, the gates were 
constructed in a similar manner. The single blocks were pushed 
gradually towards each other till, at last, they touched, and in 
this way formed a simple arch. This primitive mode of construc- 
tion is shown in a postern at Tiryns (Eig. 58), where, as we have 
seen, the walls were of an equally simple kind. In the same 
manner the arched openings of a gallery have been constructed, 
which is built into the wall of the same castle. The gallery itself 



likewise consists of layers of stone pushed towards each other, as 
is shown by the view of the interior (Fig. 59, compare Fig. 57, 


Fig. 58. 

Fisr. 60. 

Fig. 59. 

H) . The same construction also appears in 
the passages within the wall, of which Fig. 
60 represents a section. 

The construction of the gates improves in 
proportion to that of the walls. They may be constructed by over- 
laying the stones, or by the placing of a long straight block 
across the two side-posts. A simple specimen 
of the former method we see in some small 
posterns at Phigalia (Fig. 61) and Messene 
(Fig. 62) ; the latter is specified by a small 
door in the Akropolis of Mykenae (Fig. 63), 
and a gate at (Eniadse, in Akarnania (Fig. -Fig- 61. 
64). One of the oldest and most curious examples of such gates 

Fi<?. 64. 

is the so-called lions' gate at Mykenae (Fig. 65). It stands 


between a natural prominence of the rock and an artificial 
projection of the wall, and is formed by two strong and well- 
smoothed blocks of stone, which serve as side posts, and 
incline towards each other, so as to diminish the space to be 
covered. On them rests, horizontally, an enormous block of 
stone, 15 feet long, which forms the lintel, and in this way 

finishes the gate. The wall itself is 
much higher than the gate ; in order 
to weaken the pressure of the upper 
stones on the lintel, and to prevent it 
from breaking, a triangular opening 
has been left above it, in which, 
afterwards, a thinner slab of stone, 
about 11 feet wide by 10 high, has 
been placed. On this slab we see 
two lions in alto-relievo, standing with 
their fore-paws on a broad base, which 
supports a column growing thinner 
at the lower end. Grottling recognises in these lions, with the 
Phallic symbol between them, the protecting image of the castle 
of Mykenae. In any case the group is interesting as the oldest 
specimen of Greek sculpture in existence. 

Both the larger gates and the smaller sally-ports were, as much 

as possible, protected by projecting 
parts of the wall. "We have already 
mentioned this fact in speaking of 
the gate of Mykenas ; we add a gate 
at Orchomenos (Fig. 66), in which 
the projection of the wall on the 
right-hand side of the entrance 
may still be distinctly recognised. 
A gate at IMessene, showing both firmness of structure and artistic 
proportions, is still in existence. This city, founded and raised 
to the capital of Messenia by Epaminondas, was, next to Korinth, 
considered as the safest stronghold of the whole Peloponnesos, 
owing to the solidity of its walls ; the above-mentioned gate quite 
tallies with this statement, found repeatedly in ancient authors. 
The design (Fig. 67) and the section (Fig. 68, scale = 100 feet 
English measure) show that it was a double gate with an outer (a) 



and inner (b) door. It is situated in a kind of tower, destined to 
increase the strength of the wall, inside of which there is a circular 
space like a courtyard. 
The two gates lie oppo- 
site each other in this 
courtyard, the one marked 
a on the outward side, 
that marked b being 
turned towards the town. 

As remarkable we 
have still to mention the 
occurrence of vaulted 
gates in Akarnania, quite 
lately discovered by Heu- 
zey. Generally speaking, the use of arches does not occur in Greece 

Fig. 69. 

before the time of the Makedonians ; but in Akarnania there are 
found, in old polygonal fortifications, gates, the outer walla of 




which show a vault, while the inside part is still covered by hori- 
zontal pieces of stone (see Fig. 69). 

19. The description of the gates leads us to that of the towers, 
which were almost universally used to increase the firmness and 
defensive conveniences of the walls. The gates naturally required 
a great deal of protection, and by this means, as Curtius has 
pointed out, the art of fortification itself was considerably deve- 
loped. It seems, indeed, that the tower itself was only a develop- 
ment of the projection of the wall which is usually found to the right 
of the gate, as a favourable point of attack on the storming forces. 
The simplest form seems to have consisted of a mere jutting 
out of the wall, repeated at certain intervals, 
by means of which the besieged could direct 
their defence to different points easier than 
would have been possible from a straight 
wall. Such tower-like projections we find in 
the old Pelasgic walls of Phigalia, in Arkadia 
(Fig. 70) ; they are partly quadrangular, 
partly semicircular. 

"We also find towers on single rocks, 
or prominences, the natural strength of which 
had to be increased by fortifications ; they 
were used to reconnoitre the surrounding country, which, for 
instance, was the purpose of a tower in the Akropolis of Orcho- 
menos in Bceotia (Fig. 71). 

At Aktor a tower of two stories has been preserved. It stands 

on a point where the walls of the town 
meet at an obtuse angle. It has been 
preserved so well that the two stories 
are distinctly recognisable ; but no 
traces of a staircase have been found. 
Most likely it consisted of wood, like 
the ceiling of the first story, so as to 
be easily removable, if necessary, in 
The entrances to the tower were two small 
gates, approachable from the top of the wall ; on the three sides 
turned outward there were windows, which, like the embrasures of 
mediaeval castles, are very small towards the outer side, but 
increase considerably in size towards the inside. 

Fig. 71. 
case of an attack, 



Of similar construction are the towers found on the walls of 
Messene, both as a protection and an ornament. A round tower, 
amongst others, stands where the walls ^ 
meet at an obtuse angle (see the plan 
Fig. 72, scale = 10 metres, and the 
view, Fig. 73) ; another tower, in good 
preservation, illustrates the kind of en- 
trance from the top of the wall ; Fig. 
74 (scale = 9 metres) gives a side- 
view of it. The stones are placed on each other in layers, but the 
cross-joints are mostly oblique and irregular ; the former are hewn 







Fig. 74. 

so that the front side projects slightly from the surface of the wall 
(a style called by the Italians, Rustico) ; the tower, as well as the 
walls, are crowned by battlements, which are still distinctly recog- 
nisable ; the small windows converge in an acute angle towards 
the outside, the inside part widen- 
ing in the form of a pointed arch. 
The door, approachable from the top 
of the wall (see Fig. 74), closes in 
a straight line. 

Two round towers, standing 
almost separate, protect the gate of 7o> 
Mantinea (see plan, Fig. 75, scale = 30 metres). 

Single towers were often built on the sea- shore, particularly on 
islands, both as watch-towers against pirates and as places of 
refuge for the inhabitants. (Similar strongholds built by the 
Venetians, against the landing of the infidels, are found on many 

f 2 



points of the Greek coast.) The most important structure of this 
kind has been preserved in the isle of Keos. It rises, in four 
stories, straight from the ground, and is crowned with battlements, 
and surrounded on its four sides by projecting blocks of stone, 
which carried an open gallery, perhaps " the only well-preserved 
example of the peridromos, so important in antique fortification/' 
(Ross, " Imelreise" I. p. 132.) 

Of similar construction, but round in shape, is a tower in 
Andros (Fig. 76), built most likely for the protection of the 
neighbouring iron mines. It is remarkable by winding stairs in 

Fi S- 76 « Fig. 78. 

the interior, and by a circular chamber in the lower story, which, 
like the treasure-houses (see § 21), grows smaller towards the 
top by the overlaying of the stones ; the ceiling is formed by 
radiating slabs of 'stone (Fig. 77). 

To detached towers, courts surrounded by masonry were 
sometimes added, as places of refuge for the inhabitants of the 
neighbouring country and their goods. Fig. 78 shows the plan 
of such a combination, situated in the island of Tenos, where 
the court, connected with the tower and enclosed by a strong 
wall, is nearly 84 feet long. 

20. After the buildings of protection follow those of utility. 
Amongst these we must consider particularly aqueducts, harbours, 
roads, and bridges; of all of which considerable remains have been 



preserved. Curtius ("On the Waterworks in Greek Cities" in 
Archceologische Zeitung, 1847, p. 19, ss.) has laid down, as the 
leading principle of Greek aqueducts, their accommodation to the 
natural conditions of the soil, widely different in this respect from 
the waterworks of the Romans, "who, in their imperial manner, 
made the fountains follow one straight line from their origin 
to the capital; and in this way accomplished marvellous 
edifices entirely independent of the conditions of the soil." 
The oldest epoch of town waterworks is undoubtedly marked by 
the cistern, which became necessary where the dryness of the soil 
required the collection of rain-water, or where the wells became 
insufficient for the increasing population. They are mostly per- 
pendicular, gradually widening shafts, hewn into the living rock, 
and covered with slabs ; one descended into them on steps. Such 
cisterns are frequently found in Delos, at Iulis in Keos, at Old- 
Thuria in Messenia, and at Athens in the southern parts of the 
city, and on the stony backs of the hills which slope towards the 
sea ; while in the eastern and northern parts of the city we find 
numerous remains of wells, often connected by subterraneous 
channels. To a later epoch, mostly to the time of the Tyrannis, 
belong the waterworks, by means of which the fountains rising 
. on the neighbouring mountains are led (in communications hewn 
in the rock, or enclosed by walls) into reservoirs, and distributed 
thence over the town by a system of canals. By a system of this 
kind the springs of the Hymettos, Pentelikon, and Parnes were 
conducted into Athens ; and, in a similar manner, several villages 
in the dry plains of Attika were supplied with water by subterra- 
neous aqueducts, partly still in use. Of other waterworks we 
mention an aqueduct seven stadia long, dug through a mountain 
by Eupalinos ; a system of works supplying the castle of Thebes 
with water; and the underground aqueducts of Syrakusae, the 
latter of which are still in use. The remains of these, as well as of 
other aqueducts near Argos, Mykense, Demetrias, and Pharsalos, 
prove sufficiently the care taken by the Greeks in this important 
branch of architecture. 

Although natural harbours were frequent on the Greek coast, 
many of them required additional arrangements for the safety of 
the ships at anchor. We possess, for instance, the remains of a 
stone jetty, built for the protection of the excellent harbour of 


Pylos, on the west coast of Messenia. It is built, like the walls of 
the town, in the Pelasgic manner, horizontal layers being the rule, 

and extends considerably into 
the sea, so as to protect the har- 
bour against storms and cur- 
rents. Fig. 79 illustrates a 
bird's-eye view of the remnants 
of the breakwater. 
Fig. 79. More extensive were the 

works in the harbour of Methone, or Mothone (the modern 
Modon), to the south of Pylos. To the line of cliffs, which 
naturally protects the harbour, a wall has been added, extend- 
ing into the sea in the shape of a repeatedly broken bow, and 
surrounds the harbour proper on three sides in connection with 
the equally secured shore ; Pig. 80 shows the plan of the har- 
bour, which is still in frequent use. A 
and B mark the points where remnants of 
the old masonry are still in existence. Other 
harbours were on a still larger scale, and 
supplied with arsenals, lighthouses, temples, 
and works of art ; of these, the Korinthian 
harbour at Kenchreao and the Piraeus are 
the most remarkable. 

The harbour proper consisted in the 
latter also in natural bays, turned to 
account and further protected by walls 
built into the sea on both sides of the 
entrance, so as to defend the inner space 
against both waves and enemies. No less com- 
plicated was the harbour of Rhodes ; according to 
Ross, it retains, at the present day, the original con- 
structions : which, by turning to account the natural 
bays, made it one of the most important stations 
for commercial and war purposes. Fig. 81 shows 
the design ; a, b, c, signify respectively the har- 
bours for boats, commercial and war vessels ; d is 
the exterior harbour, e the site of the town. 
Concerning the roads of the Greeks we certainly have written 
evidence of carefully paved roads and streets, particularly in con- 

Fig. 80. 



nection with the festive processions to the great national places of 
worship ; but little is said about the method of the Greeks in these 
structures, and only few remnants remain to enlighten us as to the 
way in which they were made even, or paved. In low, boggy places 
the want of level and secure roads was naturally felt first ; their 
earliest form seems to have been that of dams (^w/xarct, <ye.(f>vpai). 
According to Curtius, a dam led from Kopai, in Boeotia, to the 
opposite shore of the Kopaic bog. It is 22 feet wide, propped by 
stone walls, and supplied with a bridge, so as to give an outlet to 
the water of the Kephissos. Like the choma, which led through 
the marshes of the Alphaeos, and formed the border-line between 
the dominions of the Tegeatai and Pallantioi, it served at the 
same time both as a protection of the arable land against the 
waves and as a means of communication. Sometimes canals were 
connected with such dams, an example of which is offered by 

Roads led up to the old lordly castles " as they are found at 
Orchomenos and other places." (Curtius's " History of the Building 
of Roads amongst the Greeks," 1855, p. 9). In later historic times, 
however, the chief purposes of road-building were commercial 
traffic and festive processions. "It is the worship of the gods 
which here again has given rise to art, and the holy ways were the 
first artistically constructed roads amongst the Greeks " (p. 11), con- 
necting tribes and countries for the purpose of common celebration. 
Still, at the present time Greece is crossed by roads on which the 
grooves for wheels are hewn into the rocky ground. On these the 
holy vehicles, with the statues of the gods and the implements of 
worship, could be moved conveniently. Between these tracks the 
road was levelled by means of sand or pebbles. Where there 
were no two pair of grooves, arrangements were made to avoid 

We know a little more about the construction of bridges 
amongst the Greeks. In most cases bridges across rivers and 
ravines were made of wood ; as an example of a very firm, long 
bridge made of wood we mention that across the Euripus, 
between Aulis and Chalkis, in the island of Eubcea, built during 
the Peloponnesian war, and, perhaps, afterwards superseded by a 
dam-structure, remnants of which are still in existence. There 
are, however, found in Greece bridges wholly made of stone ; but 



their dimensions can have been but small before the arch -vaulting 
principle came into use. Gell mentions a bridge of this kind 
near Mykense, and another similar one near Phlius the coverings 
of which consisted of blocks of stone. 

Wider rivers were crossed by a mode of structure which we 
have mentioned in connection with the openings of gates and 
walls. The layers of stones were pushed gradually towards each 
other from both sides, and when the space between was thus 
sufficiently diminished it was covered by slabs of stone, or rafters, 
laid across. This system is used in a bridge between Pylos and 

Methone, near the village 
of Metaxidi, in Messenia 
(Fig. 82). Only the lower 
layers are antique ; the 
arch is of later date. 

A complicated and 
well-calculated structure 
is the bridge across the 
river Pamisos in Messenia. 
It is placed where a 
smaller river falls into the 
river Pamisos, and consists of three parts, one of which lies 
towards Messene, the second towards Megalopolis, and the third 
towards Franco Eclissia (Andania). (See plan, Fig. 83, and view, 
Fig. 84 ) The front parts of the pillars of the two branches 

Fig. 83. Fig. 84. 

crossing the two rivers are pointed, so as to break the force of the 
waves. The piece a in Fig. 83 is illustrated by Fig. 85 ; it shows 
one smaller opening which is covered with straight pieces of stone, 
while the larger opening shows the gradual approach of the layers. 


This is shown by the remaining old layers, to which, later, an arch 
has been added. 

The same form of covering is found in a bridge across the 
Eurotas, near Sparta (see design, Fig. 86). In looking at Fig. 

Fig. 86. Fig. 87. 

87 it ought to be remembered that the pointed arch of the vault is 
a later addition. (About a peculiar kind of waterworks, viz., the 
fountain-houses, see § 21, Figs. 90 and 91.) 

21. After the buildings destined to protect man against man, 
we have to consider those which shelter him against the influences 
of nature, viz., the human habitation. The first human habita- 
tions, not to mention caves, were amongst the Greeks, as amongst 
other primitive nations, huts, constructed differently according to 
the nature of the country. They were said to have been invented 
by Pelasgos, the progenitor of the Pelasgic tribe in Arkadia. Of 
such huts and similar more or less primitive dwellings we 
possess neither descriptions nor actual specimens. The stages of 
development from the hut to the regular dwelling-house, as 
described in the Homeric poems, are likewise conjectural ; the 
arrangements, however, of the dwellings of the old Greek royal 
families, which evidently are described as actually seen by that 
poet, can be understood, at least, in their chief features. This 
applies particularly to the description of the palace of Odysseus, 
which, together with partial descriptions of those of Alkinoos, 
Priamos, and of the house-like tent of Achilles, conveys a suffi- 
ciently clear notion of the royal mansion of the time. 

According to these descriptions the royal palace was divided 



into three parts, the distinction of which is recognisable in Homer. 
The same division, with such modifications as were necessitated by 
the more limited space, applied, undoubtedly, also to the more 
important private houses. The first division was intended for 
every-day life and intercourse ; it consisted of the courtyard (called 
auXi] by Homer), into which one entered from the street, through 
a door of two leaves (to. irpoOvpa, Bvpai cUXices). In the middle 
of this courtyard stood the statue of Zeus, the protector of 
dwellings (Zeus- epiceLOs). It was surrounded by outhouses 
destined for the keeping of stores, for handmills, bedrooms of the 
male servants, and stables for horses and cattle, unless the latter 
were kept in separate farms. Opposite the gate of the yard was 
the frontage of the dwelling-house (8w/xa or 80^09) of the family 
of the Anax ; in front of the entrance-gate was a covered portico 
{cllOovgcl <?w/x<xto9), corresponding to a similar one on both sides of 
the yard (atOovcra av\r}<;). This portico in front of the house 
must have been of considerable size as, according to Homer, it 
was occasionally used by the princes as the place of their assem- 
blies. Through it one entered the forehouse, or 7rp6£o/xo9, which 
is to be considered either as a kind of entrance-hall to the house 
proper, running along its frontage, or as the innermost part of the 
cuOovaa Iwfiaros, in which case it was, perhaps, closed by a wall. 
In this place the couches of the guests were prepared for the 

The dwelling-house (hwjjia) of the Anax and his family, which 
follows after the 7rp6ho/jLo<?, comprises the hall of the men, the 
women's rooms, the connubial chamber, the armoury, and the 
treasury. The hall of the men (to fxeyapov) was the chief room 
of the palace ; according to Homer it was a large room resting on 
columns. Perhaps, in contrast to the light and airy prodomos, it 
is described as shady (cKioeis), the light entering only through 
windows at the sides, or through an opening in the smoky ceiling, 
which served also to let out the smoke. JS"ear the back wall of 
the megaron, and opposite the door which led to the women's 
chambers, stood the hearth {kay^apij), on which the meal of the 
revellers in the hall was prepared. The floor was of stone, 
perhaps varied in colour, and the walls were covered with large 
pieces of polished metal. It is true that the megaron of Odysseus, 
the ruler of a poor, rocky island, was bare of these ornaments ; but 



■the palaces of richer kings, like, for instance, that of Menelaos, 
undoubtedly showed this favourite old wall-decoration, not to 
speak of the perhaps fictitious description of the splendid hall of 
Alkinoos. The question about the nature of the fxeaolfxaL, men- 
tioned by Homer, we do not wish to decide definitively ; some 
modern archaeologists, like Rumpf and Winckler,* the one following 
the other's investigations, consider them to be two galleries, placed 
at the end of the megaron, on both sides of the entrance to the 
women's chambers : older commentators believe the mesodmai to 
be niches between the pilasters, or these pilasters themselves. We 
ourselves incline to the latter opinion, because such a gallery 
would be quite adapted to the hall of a hostelry, used as a women's 
room in the daytime and a sleeping-room for the men at night, 
but in the megaron of a palace it seems strangely out of place. 

The third division was devoted to the smaller family circle ; its 
collective name was originally OaXa/doi, afterwards changed into 
yvvaiKWVLTis. A small corridor (irpoOvpov) led to these rooms, the 
largest of which was a hall on the ground-floor, belonging to the 
female members of the family and their handmaidens. Smaller 
chambers, being the bedrooms of the maidservants, fifty in 
number, in the house of Odysseus, might be found by the side of 
this hall, while the upper story (birepwov) contained separate 
sleeping and sitting rooms for the members of the king's family. 
The connubial chamber, or thalamos proper, of the king and 
queen was, perhaps, in the lower story, at the end of the large hall 
of the women ; it seems, at least, that Odysseus placed his bed- 
room there from the fact of his cutting the top off an olive-tree in 
his yard, and using the stem as a post of his connubial couch. 
Near it, most likely, was the armoury, although certain archae- 
ologists have placed it, like the connubial chamber, in the upper 

Thus much about the house of the Anax in Homer's time. 
Many conjectures as to the situation of the staircases to the upper 
story, the place and destination of the tholos, of the corridors of 
the spear-stand, &c, we have purposely omitted. In Homer's 
time such palaces, varying according to the locality and the 
owner's wealth, were scattered all over Greece. Many theories as 
to details, mostly founded on vague conjectures, have, for the 
* A. Winckler, " The Dwelling-houses of the Greeks." Berlin, 1868, p. 31—55. 



greater part, been exploded by Hereher (in bis meritorious paper 
"Homer and Ithaka, as it was in reality," in "Hermes," vol. i., 
p. 263, ss.) 

As an important part of tbe fortified palace we Have still to 
mention the treasury {Orjaavpo^), tbe firm construction of wbicb 
guaranteed tbe safety of its valuable contents, as is proved by 
several vaults still in existence. Amongst tbese we mention 
particularly tbe treasure-bouse of Atreus, remains of wbicb are 
found amongst tbe above-mentioned Cyclopic remnants at 
Mykenae. Tbis tbesauros, wbicb is expressly mentioned by 
Pausanias, bas been re-discovered and repeatedly described by 
modern scholars. It consists of a round chamber lying on the 
slope of a hill. (See plan, Fig. 88, and section, Fig. 89.) The 
entrance is through a space enclosed by walls (A) ; the gate (B) 
is formed by horizontal layers of stone, and covered with an 

Fig. 88. Fig. 89. 

enormous slab of stone, over which, as in the lion's gate (see 
Fig. 65), a triangular opening has been left so as to protect it 
from the weight of the upper stones. Through this door, on 
which the traces of nails are still observable (destined evidently to 
fix a metal coating), one enters tbe chief apartment (C), which is 
joined at the side by another chamber (D). The latter is cut into 
the rock, while the walls of the chief apartment consist of hori- 
zontal layers of stones arranged in a circular form. These layers 
approach each other towards the top, which produces the appear- 
ance of a cupola, closed at the top by a larger stone (Fig. 89). 



Pausanias mentions several thesauroi, the convenient arrange- 
ment of which is exemplified by the one described above. At 
Mykense he mentions, besides the treasure-house of Atreus, those 
of his sons, of which also remnants are still in existence. At 
Orchomenos, in Bceotia, he mentions the thesauros of Minyas as 
a wonderful work, unsurpassed by any monument in Greece or 
elsewhere (Pausanias, 9, 38, 1). His description tallies perfectly 
with the construction of the treasure-house at Mykenae, but for 
the size, the latter being only 48 feet in diameter, against 70 of 
the Orchomenos thesauros. 

The same principle of forming the vaults by overlaying has 
been applied to other buildings, as tombs of heroes, fountain- 
houses, and religious treasure-houses, at an early period. Boss 
has discovered a fountain-house in the island of Kos, in which the 
tholos principle has been applied in a similar manner. About 
one and a half hour's walk from the city of Kos on the slope of 
Mount Oromedon, lies the well Burinna, which supplies the town 
with water. In order to keep it 
quite cold and pure a circular 
chamber (2,85 metres in diameter, 
and 7 metres in height, up to the 
round opening in the vault) has 
been erected, into which the water 
runs, and from which it issues 
through a subterraneous canal 35 
metres in length, and of an aver- 
age height of 2 metres. Fig. 90 
shows the mouth of the canal (A), 
the chamber (B), and the cleft in 
the rock (C) whence the water is- 
sues ; between this and the cham- 
ber there is a door. The chamber 
(see Fig. 91, D) is built like the 
treasure-house at Mykense, and 
opens at the top by means of a 9L 
shaft (B) 3 metres high, which leads through the mountain 
in order to connect the water with the open air. Above the 
roof of the canal (A) (which consists partly of large horizontal 
blocks of stone, partly of long, narrow pieces of freestone) a small 

b i nr 

1 1 1 i il 

I iji 

1 1 1 A | | 



7 1 ' ! 1 1 



chamber (E) lias been discovered, the entrance to which lies on the 
slope of the mountain, between the mouth of the canal and the 
opening of the shaft. It is connected by a small window (A) with 
the principal chamber, and may have been the sanctuary of the 
nymphs of the fountain, or the watchman's dwelling, besides 
letting in fresh air to the fountain in addition to the shaft (B). 

22. About the historic dwelling-house of the Greeks our 
information is almost as scanty as about the Homeric palace. 
Remaining specimens are totally wanting, perhaps with one 
exception ; and a systematic description of the Greek house by 
Yitruvius seems to relate more to the splendid mansions of post- 
Alexandrine times than to the houses of the common citizens. 
His account, moreover, is not easily understood ; so that about 
this most important feature of Greek domestic life little is to be 

In comparing the historic Greek house with that of the Homeric 
poems, we find, as an important deviation, that in the latter the 
women's chamber was always in the upper story ; while in the 
former men's and women's apartments, although separated, lay 
generally on the same flat. This rule, however, is not without 
exceptions with regard to both cases. 

Both the Homeric and the historic houses have, in common, 
the important feature of a courtyard. In both it is surrounded by 
columns, and forms, as it were, the centre round which the other 
parts of the house are grouped equally, and into which the single 
rooms open. The historic house, however, was much inferior in 
size and splendour to that described by Homer, as was natural, 
seeing that it was inhabited by simple citizens instead of kings 
and rulers of the people. Homer never even mentions private 
dwellings. Moreover, it was a peculiarity of the Greeks, in their 
best times, to concentrate all their splendour and luxury in the 
adornment of temples and other public edifices, while their private 
dwellings were small and modest, not to say mean. The homes 
of the Greeks were their public places, their Stoas and Agoras ; 
on these they looked with pride and joy ; only in the Makedonian 
period, when Greek freedom and greatness had vanished, luxurious 
private houses became the fashion ; while at the same time begin 
the complaints of both religious and civic buildings being more 
and more neglected. But even then buildings of large size and 


great splendour were more common in the country seats of the 
rich than in the towns, where the limits of space and the regular 
lines of the streets precluded a too great extension. 

Hence one yard only was the rule for town-houses. The 
descriptions by Vitruvius of numerous splendid rooms, &c, 
evidently refer to the palace-like buildings of the time after 
Alexander ; still these descriptions are of great importance to us. 
For in that part of the house first described by him, which he 
calls gynaikonitis, the original nucleus of an old Greek dwelling 
seems preserved ; while the second part, called andronitis, 
contains the additions of increased and more refined luxury. "We 
must try first to recognise the old simple house in his description. 

" On entering* the door," Vitruvius says, " one comes into a 
rather narrow passage, called by the Greeks Ovpwpeiov." It 
corresponds to our modern passage. To right and left of it are 
rooms for domestic purposes. Vitruvius mentions on the one 
side stables, and on the other, the porters' rooms. Through the 
passage, which is also called Ovpwv or ttvKwv, one enters the 
7repi(jTv\iov. The peristylion is an open yard surrounded by 
colonnades, also described as avArj or to7to9 irepiKLiDv. " This 
peristylion/ ' Vitruvius continues, " has colonnades on three sides. 
But on the southern side are two antse (i.e. front and wall pillars), 
which stand at a considerable distance from each other, and carry 
a beam. They form the entrance to a room, the depth of which 
is equal to two-thirds of the interval between the antae. This 
place is called by some irpoara^, by others irapaara^ ; " it is, 
therefore, a room which, on its broad side, opens into the yard ; 
an open hall, in fact, to which, most likely, the not uncommon 
expression Traara? may also be applied. 

" Further towards the interior," Vitruvius concludes, " are 
large rooms, where the lady of the house sits with the maids at 
their wheels. To the right and left of the prostas are bedrooms 
(cubicula), one of which is called thalamus, the other amphitha- 
lamus. All round the yard, under the colonnades, are rooms for 
domestic purposes, such as eating-rooms, bedrooms, and small 
rooms for the servants. This part of the house is called gynaiko- 
nitis." In this gynaikonitis, as we said before, we recognise the 

* We omit the references to the Roman house contained in his description, as to 
this we shall have to return hereafter. 



old Grreek house. The husband, whose life passed in public, 
possessed only the smaller outer part of it ; while in the interior 

the housewife, with her maids, 
was in command. Fig. 92 is 
meant to illustrate the plan of 
an old Greek dwelling on this 

The above-mentioned chief 
parts are easily recognisable. 
A is the small passage, B the 
open courtyard surrounded by 
colonnades, C the open hall 
(TrpoGTas, irapaoTcis, TraoTas), to 
which are joined the bedroom 
of the master of the house (D) 
(the thalamos) ; and on the 
other side the amphithalamos, 
perhaps the bedroom of the 
daughters. At the back of these 
are good- sized rooms for the 
maids (Gf), working under the 
supervision of their mistress. 
Round the yard, and opening 
into the colonnades, lie other 
rooms for domestic purposes, such as storerooms, bedrooms (H), &c, 
some of which, on both sides of the street-door and looking towards 
the street, were frequently used as shops or workshops (I) . Behind 
the house, and more or less shut in by the neighbouring houses, 
might be a garden (K), frequently mentioned by ancient writers. 

The street-door leading into the passage was mostly in a line 
with the facade. The expressions icpodvpov and TzpoirvKaiov, how- 
ever, seem to indicate that in some houses there must have been a 
small space in front of the door, which might be adorned with 
antae, or, as is proved by the still- existing remains of a private 
house, with columns (see Fig. 92). By the propylaion stood fre- 
quently, if not generally, the image of Apollo Aggieus (2) ; 
perhaps at some distance from the house was placed the symbol of 

* A street-door is illustrated in Gerhard's " Goblets of the Royal Museum of 
Berlin." Table XXVII. 

Fig. 92. 


8 1 

Hermes as the protecting god of roads and traffic. It consisted 
merely of a column or pillar. 

In the yard usually stood an altar, separate and visible from 
every side, and dedicated to Zeus Herkeios, as the supreme pro- 
tector of the family. This circumstance is already mentioned in 
Homer. According to Petersen's opinion, the sanctuaries of the 
6eol KTijaioL (the gods giving possession) and of the 6eol 7rarpaoL 
(the gods of families or generations) were placed in the alee 
(4 and 5), a less accessible part of the house, but connected with 
the colonnade. From the courtyard one entered the open hall 
which, as it were, formed the boundary between the public and 
the private life of the family, and therefore was most adapted for 
the gatherings of the family at religious offerings and common 
meals. It is therefore here that the hearth, the holy place of the 
house, devoted to Hestia, the all-preserving goddess, must most 
likely be placed. Originally it was no doubt used for cooking, but 
even later, when a separate kitchen had become necessary, the 
hearth remained the centre of the house, and on this altar all the 
events of domestic life were celebrated by religious acts.* " A 
particular occasion," says Petersen, " for worshipping Hestia was 
offered by all important changes in the family, such as a departure, 
a return from a journey, or a reception into the family, even of 
slaves, who always took part in the domestic worship of Hestia. 
Birth, giving of a name, wedding, or death, were celebrated in like 
manner. This altar was also holy as an asylum ; to it flew the 
slave to escape punishment, on it the stranger, nay, even the 
enemy of the house, found protection ; for the worship of Hestia 
united all the inhabitants of the house, free-born or slaves, nay, 
even strangers." For this important function of the altar, the 
place assigned to it by us seems the most appropriate. 

To the right and left of the prostas were the thalamos and 
amphithalamos, in the former of which were placed the sanctuaries 
of the connubial deities ; in the back wall of the prostas was a 
door, which is frequently mentioned by ancient authors as par- 
ticularly important for the arrangement of the Greek house. It is 
called /jlctclvXos, to distinguish it from the door leading into the 

* See Petersen, " The Domestic Worship of the Greeks," in Zeitschrift fiir 
Alterthumswissenschaft. 1851. p. 199. Petersen places the altar in the large 
hall of the men, which, according to him, separates the two yards. 




yard from the outside, the Ovpa avXeios, " because it lies opposite 
the avXeios, beyond or behind the auA?'/." * In case it was closed, 
the maid-servants, who seem to have been employed in the work- 
rooms, and slept on the floor above (irvpyoi), were secluded from the 
other parts of the house, — a circumstance repeatedly mentioned by 
Greek authors. Where there was a garden, it was connected 
with the house by a door (8), called 6vpa K^irala (garden- door). 

So much about the older Greek house with one court. The 
numerous descriptions of the enlarged house differ in so many points 
that a new attempt at an analysis may seem desirable ; it will be 

based entirely on the practical con- 
siderations which must have led 
to the addition of a second yard. 
In the towns, at least, this change 
must at first have been applied 
to buildings already in existence. 
The increase of luxury made a 
more commodious enlargement of 
the houses of the wealthy desir- 
able. This extension had to be 
directed towards the back, the 
frontage being fixed by the line 
of the street ; while, on the other 
hand, the frequently occurring 
gardens might be conveniently 
used for the introduction of a 
second yard. In consequence, 
the whole first part of the house 
has remained unchanged (see 
Fig. 93) ; the only innovation 
being that from the metaulos 
(Fig. 92, 7) one gets immediately 
into the second yard (K), in- 
stead of into one of the large 
workrooms. These workrooms 
Fi S- 93 - (G), together with other apart- 

ments (L), were arranged in a manner which, with regard to size 
and position, must have varied greatly, according to circumstances. 
* See Becker " Charikles." 2nd edition. II., p. 88. 



The additional space so gained was appropriated by the 
narrower family circle, while the first part became the scene of 
the more public intercourse. The metaulos remains the boundary 
between the two parts, from which circumstance alone its hitherto 
unexplained second name fxeaauXo^ can be derived. The metaulos 
(door behind the first yard) becomes in this way a mesaulos (door 
between two yards). The prostas, in the back wall of which this 
door lies, retains its importance, derived from the sacred hearth. 
This arrangement becomes still more likely from its analogy with 
the tablinum in the Roman house, which, as we shall show, was 
most likely an imitation of the prostas.* 

It need not be added that the above description is intended only 
to convey a very general notion of the Greek dwelling-house. 

Fig. 95. 

The rule was naturally modified by 
the nature of the locality, the require- 
ments of individual families, &c, in 
the same way as this may be observed 
in the houses of Pompeii, which illus- 
trate the construction of the Roman 
house in manifold varieties, or in modern dwelling-houses. The 
only preserved specimen, indeed, of a Greek private house 
shows many deviations even from the important features 

* "We call the reader's attention to Winckler's comprehensive researches ("The 
Dwelling-houses of the Greeks," Berlin, 1868, p. 133, ss.), from whom, however, we 
differ in several points. 

G 2 


of our plan. "We are speaking of a building which has been 
discovered in the isle of Delos (Fig. 94). It shows a very 
beautiful vestibule (irpoTrvKaiov), which lies on the narrow 
side towards the street, and consists of two Ionic columns 
between two graceful jnrt2eL(Fig. 95). To right and left small 
doors (Fig. 94, 1 and 2) lead into side-rooms, while the large 
door (3) leads into a narrow passage (B). The aula (C) to 
which this passage leads is very short and narrow, and 
seems to have been without columns. Unfortunately, the rooms 
adjoining the passage and the yard have not been described by 
the archaeologists who investigated the building ; they only tell 
us of the existence of a cistern (F). The room D, open on both 
sides, may perhaps be considered as a very small prostas, in which 
case the room to the right of it (E) would be the thalamos ; G 
would then be the second yard, but here also no columns seem to 
have been found. The editors believe the building to have been 
a public bath — which, however, seems unlikely from its moderate 
dimensions. The cistern, which seems to have given rise to this 
idea, may just as well have belonged to a private house. The 
Greeks were just as anxious to have a water-reservoir in their 
houses as we are at the present day. Parts of the important 
building in Delos have, as Ross complains, been destroyed to gain 
stones and mortar for new buildings. But for this barbarous 
custom, whole quarters of the town might still be in existence. 
Under many, perhaps most, of the houses cisterns were dug, partly 
(according to their width) spanned by small arches, partly covered 
with long pieces of granite. 

23. From the dwelling of living individuals we now turn to the 
abode of the dead, from the house to the grave. The piety of the 
Hellenic people made the latter of great importance ; hence the 
astonishing variety of their forms. We will divide them into groups 
according to the different modes of their construction. Graves, 
therefore, may be heaps of earth, they may be hewn into the rock, 
or they may be detached buildings, according to the conditions 
of the locality, or the mode of burying. Within these divisions 
there are, again, many varieties of size, form,, and construction. 

In places where stone was scarce, mounds were made of earth ; 
where stones were found in the ground, these were heaped on each 
other ; where the soil was rocky, natural caves were used, or arti- 


fioial ones dug. Such are the oldest forms of graven ; only later, 
when civilisation was more advanced, separate monuments were 
more commonly erected. 

a. Tombs consisting of earth-mounds, as the oldest and simplest 
form of graves, were common to the Caucasian race, as is shown 
by numerous remains from east to west. Greece also is rich in 
such primitive structures, which in a small chamber contain the 
remains of the dead, and, by their imposing forms, serve at the 
same time as monuments. Owing to the primitive mode of their 
structure their appearance resembles more the works of nature 
than that of human hands ; they were called by the Greeks koKwvol 
(hills), another expression, y^wfiara (heaps), being derived from 
their kind of construction. Of this kind are the enormous mounds 
of earth which are still to be seen on the shores of the Hellespont, 
and which, according to old Greek traditions, contain the remains 
of Homeric heroes, like Achilles, Patroklos, Aias, and Protesilaos. 
Tombs of the same kind were erected by the Athenians in the 
Marathonian plain to those fallen in the great battle ; the largest 

of these was originally 30 feet high (see Fig. 96). Smaller tumuli 
are numerous in the Attic plain ; of a similar kind are also the 
large burial hills of the Bosphoranian kings which are found at 
Pantikapaion, on the Kimmeric Bosphorus (see Fig. 97). 

In order to add to the firmness of these mounds, and to avoid 
the sliding down of the earth, they were frequently surrounded 
by a stone enclosure, as for instance was the case with the 
tombs of iEpytos at Pheneos, in Arkadia, and of G^nomaos at 
Olympia. There still exists in the island of Syme a tumulus 
which exactly answers to the description of Pausanias. Its 
diameter is 19 metres ; it is quite surrounded by a stone wall 



(h-pi]7r^ or 6piyfc6$) 1*25 — 2*19 metres in height, which consists of 
polygonal stones (XlOol ay pot, Xoyates) (see Figs. 98 and 99). The 
conical mound has been destroyed almost entirely. 

Fig. 98. Fig. 99. 

Mounds of this kind were also made of stone, as for instance the 
tomb of Laios, near Dauiis, mentioned by Pausanias, to which kind 
we shall have to return. 

b. Another kind 
of primitive tombs 
were caves in rocks, 
either natural or arti- 
ficial, and decorated 
by art. Of these 
also we have to dis- 
tinguish various 
kinds. A natural ca- 
vern may have been 
extended and used as 
a tomb ; or the rocky 
soil may have been 
hollowed into a sub- 
terraneous chamber ; 
or, lastly, a more or 
less separate piece of 
rock may have been 
excavated and deco- 
rated externally. The 
caves and galleries of 
quarries must have 
led to the idea of 
rocks at a very early period. Structures 
of this kind (the name of which, Kyklopeia, denotes their great 
age) are found near Nauplia. Similar caverns of irregular forma- 
tion may be seen near Gortyna, in the isle of Crete; more 

subterraneous graves in 



regularity is shown in the Nekropolis of Syrakuse, which, also 
seems to have been occasioned by quarries. Simple shafts of 
great depth, ending in a burial chamber, are found amongst 
the above-mentioned royal tombs of Pantikapaion (see Figs. 97 

Fig. 102. Fig. 103. 

and 100), where a tunnel, erected of blocks of stone, has also been 
discovered (see Fig. 101). 

The burial caverns of both old and more modern dates found in 
the islands are still more numerous and important than those of the 
Greek peninsula. Some of them are cut into the rock in such a 
manner that the ceiling requires no additional props, as is the 
case, for instance, in a tomb in the island of JEgina, of which 
Figs. 102 and 103 show the plan and section. A narrow staircase 
(a) leads to the entrance, which has the form of an arch (b), and 
through it into the burial- chamber. The latter contains three 

Fig. 104. 

sarcophagi, which are constructed of simple slabs of stone, with 
a cover of the same material. They occupy three sides of the 

A grave in the isle of Melos contains three sarcophagi on each 


side, which stand in semicircular niches, as is shown by the plan 
(Fig. 104) and the section (Fig. 105, scale = 10 metres). 

In other tombs the ceiling has been propped by pillars and 
cross- walls, by means of which the interior is at the same time 
divided into several separate chambers. A burial- chamber in 

Delos shows two pillars (a) on each of the two side-walls, between 
which lie small niches (b) (see plan, Fig. 106). In each of these 
niches are two sarcophagi, placed one on the top of the other. 
The height of the grave is 2*30 metres. The ceiling consists of 
stone slabs joined closely together (see Fig. 107). 

Fig. 107. Fig. 108. 

A subterraneous grave in the isle of Chalke shows a different 
arrangement (Fig. 108). A narrow staircase (b) leads to the 
entrance-door (a). Inside the chamber (14J feet long) is a pillar 
(c), from which two strong stone beams (d d) extend towards the 
two smaller walls of the chamber. They carry the ceiling, con- 
sisting of slabs of stone, and lying only a few feet under the 



surface. All round the room by the wall are the couches of 
the dead, resembling stone benches. Ross, on discovering them, 
found them empty. In the walls are square niches, for the recep- 
tion of jugs and other objects, which it was the custom to leave 
with the dead. This custom (see § 35) is exemplified by the 
numerous graves in the small island of Chilidromia. These are 
not cut into the rock, but built of chalk-stone 
in a simple manner, not very much below 
the surface. Fig. 109 shows one of them, 
opened by Fiedler, in which the skeletons and 
the offerings to the dead were found in their 
original position. The grave itself consists 
of a square hollow sufficiently large to receive 
the body, and surrounded by stones, the two 
longer walls being built of carefully fitted 
chalk-stones without mortar, while the two 
shorter sides are formed by large slabs. The 
body was placed with its head towards the 
south. Two small drinking- vessels and two 
copper coins were found in the same chamber, 
which was covered with three large stone 
slabs. At the foot-end of the body 
another smaller room, enclosed 
and covered in a similar manner, 
and, like a store-room, containing 
a number of objects, all destined 
for the dead. Amongst these were 
one large and several smaller 
cans, an oil -pitcher, several vases 
for offerings, and various drink- 
ing-cups, all made of burnt clay ; there was also a bronze mirror. 
An earthen lamp showed distinct traces of having been used. 

The same custom was observed when the dead were buried in 
coffins {(jopoi). Several coffins of burnt clay have been found at 
Athens. Fig. 110 shows a coffin covered with three slabs ; Fig. 
Ill is an open dead-box, filled with vessels of various kinds. 
Another kind of graves in rocks consisted in chambers cut into 
the slope of a rock, the surface near the entrance being arranged 
architecturally. Grave-facades of this kind are very frequent in 


Fig. 109. 



Phrygia and Lykia ; they indicate a civilisation originally foreign 

to the Greeks, but imitated 
by them even during their 
historic times, from which 
many of these monuments 

The Lykian graves display 
Fig. 110. 3 . 

a most curious imitation 01 

wood-architecture, carried into the minutest details. Usually the 
facade is divided into several parts by means of beams protruding 
from the surface (see Fig. 112). Our illustration shows a grave 
in a steep slope of a rock at Xanthos ; the imitation of wood is 
carried even to the copying of nails and pegs to join the dif- 
ferent beams ; it resembles the frontage of a house solidly built of 
timber, with a ceiling of unhewn trunks of trees, such as the huts 

Pig. 112. 

of Lykian peasants have at the present day. A perpendicular 
beam in the middle divides the facade into two deepened partitions. 
Sometimes the cross-beams quite protrude from the surface, in 
which case a kind of porch is formed in front of the facade. This 
arrangement is found, for instance, in a grave at Myra (see 
Fig. 113), which, moreover, is decorated with excellent paintings 
both by the side of the facade and inside the entrance-hall. A 





grave at Telmessos (Fig. 114) shows a complete facade in the 
Ionic style. Two Ionic columns between two ante carry a 
pediment adorned with 
acroteria, and forming 
in this way the portico ; 
in the back wall is the 
entrance to the burial- 

Graves with facades 
of this kind are also 
frequently found on the 
Greek continent — more 
frequently, indeed, it 
seems than in the 
islands ; sometimes arti- 
ficial constructions have 
been added to increase 
the natural firmness of 
the rock. In a grave 
in the island of Thera, 
discovered by Ross, the 
chamber is formed by 
a natural cleft in the rock ; but the 
walls have been propped by ma- 
sonry, and the ceiling consists of 
slabs of stone. Another grave in 
the slope of a hill, discovered by 
the same scholar in the island of 
Kos, consists of a small forecourt, 
which leads to the entrance-door, 
decorated in the best Ionic style, 
remnants of which have been pre- 
served in a chapel close by. The 
grave itself (see plan, Fig. 115, 
and section, Fig. 116) consists of 
a vaulted chamber, 6 metres in 
length (a), on both sides of which are the couches of the dead 
(b b), 2'50 metres long by 66 centimetres wide. Fragments in 
the best Ionic style found near it most likely belonged to the 

Fisr. U3. 

Fio-. ih. 



Fig. 115. 

separate porch, of this grave -chamber, which, according to an 
inscription, was the heroon of Charmylos and his family. 

A grave at Lindos, in the isle of Rhodes, is entirely worked 
into the rock. It is one of the most perfect specimens of this style, 

imitated most likely from the monu- 
ments of the opposite Lykian coast. 
Instead of the above-mentioned Lykian 
wood - imitations we here, however, 
find the forms of Greek architecture 
in the decoration of the fagade. Fig. 
117 gives an illustration of the grave, 
which unfortunately is in a very 
decayed condition. The facade re- 
sembles a Greek portico, with Doric 
columns, an architrave, frieze, and 
cornice. Of these columns, originally 
twelve in number, four are said to 
have been detached, while the others 
protruded from the surface of the wall 
9 by halves or a little more. 
Larger structures of the 
kind have been discovered 
in Cyprus. The one dis- 
covered by Ross shows the 
form of a court surrounded 
by columns (see view, Fig. 
118, andtheplan, Fig. 119). 
Finally, we mention 
the beautiful graves at Kyrene, on the north coast of Africa. 

tig. 116. 

Fig. 117. 

Fig. li 

The rocky ground near the city has been worked into terraces, 


in which the graves are situated. The graves themselves mostly 
consist of small chambers cut into the rock, and are for the 

Fig. 121. 

greater part adorned with porticoes, which give them a most 
picturesque appearance. Fig. 120 shows the plan, Fig. 121 the 
perspective view, of a terrace adorned with a long row of grave- 
facades ; Fig. 122 shows the dwellings of the living in the close 
vicinity of the city of the dead at Kyrene. 

Fig. 122. 

c. In and on graves of this kind are found many objects, either 
for the purpose of adorning them or for that of indicating the 



identity of the body. Of vessels and other utensils intended for 
the use of the dead, we have spoken before. When the buried 
person began to be considered as a hero, the grave required an 
altar. (Graves were commonly called heroa, even if not in the 
form of temples.) Such altars, in the shape of dice, with the 
name of the dead inscribed on them, are numerous in Boeotia, 
round the Helicon. Others, round in shape, and either smooth, 
with only an inscription (like one at Delos, Fig. 123), or adorned 
with sculptures, mostly of garlands and skulls of bulls, belong 
principally to the Greek islands (see Figs. 44 and 45) ; on others 

Fig. 123. Fig. 124. 

figures are represented. An altar found in a grave at Delos 
(Fig. 124) shows the representation of an offering in bas-relief, 
besides the inscription — 


The gravestones discovered by Ross in the isle of Kasos are of 
very extraordinary appearance. They consist of semi-globes of 
blue marble, about 8 — 10 inches in diameter, in the smooth 
front side of which the name of the deceased has been chiselled 
in several lines of letters, belonging to the third or fourth cen- 
tury B.C. 

The most common kind of above-ground monuments for the 
dead all over Greece till far into Asia, are the old Attic stelai 
(arrjXr})' They are narrow, slender slabs of stone, gently taper- 
ing towards the top ; they stand erect, fastened in the ground, or 
on a bema, and have the name of the deceased inscribed on them. 



They are crowned with anthemia, i.e. ornaments of flowers and 
leaves, either in relief or painted, sometimes also with pedi- 
ments adorned with rosettes ; sometimes the stele shows ^ 
representations, relating to the life of the deceased, in bas- |n§| 
relief. In the times of the Makedonians and Romans the ' 1 k 
stele becomes shorter and broader, with a pediment at the 
top. Fig. 125 shows a stele, found at Athens, with a 
palmetto- ornament. 

Peculiar to Attica are the grave columns of blue 
Hymettic marble, with inscriptions on them, round which ™' 
were wound ribbons and wreaths in memory of the dead. 
Figs. 126 and 127, both taken from Athenian earthen 
vessels, illustrate these columns, one of them being flat at 
the top, the other adorned with a capital of acanthus- 
leaves. Other stelai show the form of small chapel-like ' 

buildings (heroa), between the surrounding columns of^ lg ' 125 ' 
which the forms of the dead are represented in relief. Fig. 128 shows 
a monument of this kind, found in a grave in the isle of Delos ; 

Fig- 126. Fig-. 127. Fig. 128. 

Fig. 129, a similar one dug out at Athens, the bas-relief of which 
shows the taking-leave of the deceased, called " Phrasykleia," from 
the surrounding friends, a favourite subject during the best period 
of Greek art. Portrait- statues, in full or half figure, were, during 
the Makedonian and Roman times, frequently placed on the 
graves, or, if space permitted it, inside the heroa ; this was the 
custom particularly in the islands. Fragments of such statues 

9 6 


from the graves of the, the ruling noble family of 
Anaphe, have been found in that island ; Ross 
conjectures that the roof-like covers of sarcophagi 
found in the isle of Hhenaea also used to carry 
statues of this kind. 

Frequently detached coffins, or sarcophagi, 
wrought of stone, are found in the grave- 
chambers, in which the bodies were deposited. 
These are numerous in Lykia, but in Greece 
they have been found only in a few cases at 
Platseae, and in the islands of Thera, Karpathos, 
and Anaphe. 

24. In the constructions of Greek tombs above the earth, two 
technical divisions must be made. ■ 

a. The first consists of graves cut from the rock, but 
transformed into real buildings by means of outside and inside 

Fig. 129. 

Fig. 131. 

arrangements and decorations. Of 
this kind the most numerous and 
varied examples are naturally found 
in the rocky Lykia, dating not only 
from the old Lykian, but also from 
the Greek times. The simplest form 
consists of a square stout pillar 
resting on steps, and crowned with a simple cornice. A specimen 
of this form, found at Tlos, is seen Fig. 130. A second form is 
that of the imitation of a complete wooden house, of which the 
above-mentioned graves only gave the facade (Fig. 131). 
Trunks of trees joined together seem to form the roof, which 
protrudes considerably on all sides, and is both finished and 

Fig. 130. 



crowned by a horizontal cornice, formed by the crossing each 
other of beams. In a third kind of grave the roof, instead of 
being flat, shows a pointed arch, somewhat like our pointed roofs 
( Walmdacher) (Fig. 132) ; sometimes 
skulls of bulls, also wrought in 
stone, adorn their fronts. Fig. 133 
shows a roof of this kind, cut from 
the rock in the manner of a relief ; it 
is found at Pinara. In Greece, ajiso, 
graves of this kind were in use, as is 
shown by several specimens in the isle 
of Rhodes ; the monuments of the coast 
of Lykia, lying opposite, may have 
been the models. Ross found near 
the village of Liana a rock rolled 
from the height, the interior of which 
contained a complete grave-chamber, 
with three couches for the dead ; the 
exterior showed two niches, one on 
each side of the entrance (Fig. 134). 

Grander than, and very different from, the Lykian graves, is 
another monument found by Ross in the isle of Rhodes. It 
consists of a large block of sandstone the lower part of which has 
been hewn into a square form with vertical walls. Each of the 
long sides measures 27*81 metres, and contains twenty-one semi- 

Fig. 132. 

Fig. 133. Fig. 134. 

columns about 5 metres in height, which, standing on three steps, 
were evidently destined to carry a cornice ; this, however, has been 
destroyed by the upper parts falling on it. Whether the top 
consisted of a stone pyramid, or of a hill planted with shrubs and 


9 8 


Fig. 135. 

trees, cannot now be distinguished. On the northern side, which 
is the best preserved (see Fig. 135), between the fifth and sixth 
columns of the western corner (see plan, Fig. 136; scale = 15 
metres), lies a door (a), through which one enters the grave- 
chambers. The first compartment is an entrance-hall (b), 

9*20 metres wide by 3 metres 
deep, in the small sides of which 
there are niches. A second 
door (c) leads into a larger 
chamber (d), (6-70 by 440 
metres), in the walls of which 
are unequal niches, with five 
couches for the dead ; these, 
however, were found empty 
when the tomb was opened. 
On the walls of all these 
chambers (which extend only 
over a fourth part of the whole 
basis, and probably were 
joined by others) a fine coating 
of stucco has been preserved, 
with some traces of painting 
on it. Tombs of this kind, 
cut into the rock, were not 
usual in Greece. Detached 
grave - buildings were evi- 
dently the rule, and of the 
numerous varieties of these we propose to give some specimens. 

b. The oldest and simplest buildings of this kind are the 
developed forms of the above-mentioned earth-mounds. From 
surrounding these with stone walls one proceeded to building the 
whole tomb of stone, and in changing the round form 
for the square a quadrangular pointed stone pyramid 
was arrived at. Pausanias saw a monument of this 
land near Argos, on the road to Epidauros ; it was 
explained to him as the common memorial of those 
slain in the fight between Proitos and Akrisios. A 
number of similar monuments have more recently 
been discovered in Argolis, the most important of which, near 

Fig. 136. 

Fig. 137. 


Kenchreai, is a pyramid built of square stones (see Figs. 137-139). 
The basis is 48 feet long by 39 feet wide. According to Ross, tbe 
southern corner is rectangular, and here a door, covered by pro- 
truding stones in the manner of the Tirynthian galleries, leads 
into a narrow passage, at the end of which one enters, by a second 
door on the right-hand side, the inner chamber, measuring 10 feet 
square. It remains doubt- 
ful whether this building 
was a tomb or a watch- 
tower. Where the round 
shape of the earth-mounds 
was retained (see, for ex- 
ample, the grave in the isle 
of Syme, Fig. 98), with an 
additional architectural 
arrangement of the sur- 
rounding stones, the result 
was a handsome round 
building resting on a quad- 
rangular base, and frequently used for tombs. Fig. 140 shows a 
beautiful specimen of this style found in the nekropolis of K^rene. 

Some of the graves at Mykenae are old and simple. Like the 
megalithic tombs of Western Europe, they consist of roughly hewn 
stones, and contain small, low 
chambers, covered with large 
slabs of stone. Fig. 141 shows 
the largest amongst them. 

We now come to graves 
of a more monumental cha- 
racter. Near Delphi one has 
been discovered which has 
exactly the form of a house. It lies amongst graves of various 
kinds, and is surrounded by remnants of sarcophagi and other 
ruins which indicate the site of the old nekropolis of Delphi. 
Thiersch describes it as an " edifice of freestone, which shows the 
antiquity of its style by the fact that the sides, the door, and a 
window above it, grow narrower towards the top ; " he adds that 
its destination as a grave cannot be doubted (see Fig. 142). 

Some tombs found at Carpuseli, in Asia Minor, are more 




elegant in design. They are square and stand on some steps ; 
the walls consist of equal blocks of freestone, showing a base at the 
bottom and a cornice at the top. One of the largest amongst 

Fig. 141. Fig. 142. 

them (see Figs. 143 and 144) contains in the interior of the 
chamber, the entrance to which is not visible, a strong pillar, 
which carries the ceiling, consisting of large beams and slabs of 
stone ; on it stood, perhaps, the statue of the deceased. 

In the Greek islands tombs are frequently found which, like the 
subterraneous chambers, contain several couches for the dead. They 
consist of strong masonry, and their ceilings are vaulted, whence 
the name tholaria now commonly applied to them. The only 
specimen we quote (Fig. 145) has been found in the island of 
Amorgos. It comprises three graves, separated from each other 

Fig. 143. Fig. 144. Fig. 145. 

by slabs of stone. Over each of these is a niche in the wall, con- 
taining glass vessels, lamps, &c. The door is very low ; its 
threshold consists of a rounded slab of stone. The tomb itself is 
at present covered by alluvial earth, but stood originally above 
ground like others of the same kind in the islands of Ikaros, 
Kalymnos, Leros, and others ; some of these tombs contain from 
five to six burial compartments. 

Graves of this kind were considered chiefly as safe receptacles of 
the remnants of the dead ; others were destined at the same time 


to preserve the memory of the deceased by means of artistic 
beauty. In this manner the grave developed into the monument. 

The dead, according to Greek notions, were considered as 
heroes, their graves were frequently called heroa, and naturally 
took the form of holy edifices. The facades of the above-men- 
tioned graves in rocks remind us of those of temples, and, on 
the same principle, detached tombs (for instance, those in Thera 
and other islands) were built like temples. A tomb discovered 
by Fellows at Sidyma in Lykia 
seems to resemble a temple, with 
separate standing columns in the 
facade (see Fig. 146). The same 
similarity to a temple is shown by a 
tomb at Kyrene, the facade of which, 
contrary to rule, contains two doors 
adjoining each other (see Fig. 147). 

The most perfect specimen of this 
style has been made known by the 
researches of Fellows near Xanthos 
in Lykia. It is in 
a state of almost 
complete destruc- 
tion, but from the 
well-preserved base 
and from a number 
of ruins and redis- 
covered sculptures 
the plan of the 
whole may be con- 
jectured with tolerable certainty. A model, as well as the remains 
of it, is in the British Museum, in which to each of the single 
fragments its supposed original position has been assigned. 
Another reconstruction, differing from the above, has been 
attempted by Falkener, from which we have borrowed the 
plan (Fig. 148) and the perspective view (Fig. 149). Accord- 
ing to Falkener 's conjectures, the monument consisted of a 
base 10*25 metres in length, 6*90 metres in width, and of almost 
the same height, adorned with two surrounding stripes of battle- 
scenes in relief, besides an elegant cornice. On this base rose 

Fig. 147. 



an Ionic peripteros, the peristyles of which had four columns 
on each of the smaller, and six columns on each of the 
longer sides ; the cella shows on each side two columns in antis. 
A richly decorated door leads from the pronaos (a) (to which 
corresponds the posticum (b) on the other side) into the roomy 
cella (c). The frieze and the pediment were adorned with reliefs ; 
on the points of the gables stood statues, as also in the interstices 

between the rich Ionic columns. 
The widely spread use of such 
monuments is shown by a beau- 
tiful structure found at Cirta, 
on the north coast of Africa (the 
Constantine of the present day), 
and said to be the grave of 
King Micipsa, who founded a 
Greek colony in this place. A 
square structure rises on a base 
of steps (as in the grave of 
Theron, at Agrigentum) ; there 
is a door on each side, worked in 
relief. On the top of this struc- 
ture stands a small Doric temple, 
also square in shape, and showing 
gables on all sides. The roof 
thus formed is carried by eight 
columns, again forming a square, 
which, stand perfectly free, and do not enclose a cella (see Fig. 150). 

To conclude, we mention one of the most splendid monumental 
graves that ever existed, viz., the tomb of Maussollos, King of 
Karia, at Halikarnassos. Unfortunately only ruins remain, which, 
by order of the British Government, have been freed from the 
surrounding rubbish by Mr. C. T. Newton (1856-59), and care- 
fully measured by the architect of the expedition, Mr. R. P. 
Pullan. Pliny ("Hist. Nat.," XXXVI. 5, § 4, ed. Sillig) in his 
description of this monument (considered by the ancients as one 
of the seven wonders of the world) says, that Artemisia erected it 
for her husband Maussollos (ob. Olympiad 167, 352 B.C.). It 
is an oblong, measuring from north to south 63 feet, the front 
and back being a little shorter. The circumference of the monu- 



ment (i.e. of the peribolos) amounts to 411 feet ; it rises 
height of 25 cubits 
(37 \ feet), and is sur- 
rounded by thirty- six 
columns. The colon- 
nade round the tomb 
was called the pteron. 
The sculptures on the 
east side were by 
Skopas, those on the 
north side by Bryaxis, 
those on the south side 
by Timotheos, and 
those on the west side 
by Leochares. Above 
the pteron rises a py- 
ramid corresponding 
in size to the bottom 
part, which on twenty- 
four steps narrows it- 
self into a pointed co- 
lumn. On the top is 
a quadriga of marble, the work 
of Pythis, including which the 
height of the whole monument 
is 140 feet. From marble steps, 
pieces of columns, capitals, and 
some fragments of sculptures, 
together with Pliny's remarks, 
the mentioned English scholars 
have cleverly conjectured the 
original form of the building. 
The chief view of the western 
front is shown in Fig. 151 
according to their designs. We 
prefer Pullan's attempt at a 
reconstruction to that of Falk- 
ener, inserted in our former 
editions. From fragments of 

to a 

Fig. 149. 

Fi2\ 150. 



the horses and chariot of the quadriga, its own dimensions, as 
well as the circumference of the pyramid on which it stood, can 
be calculated, the height of the latter being definable by the 
discovered steps, and that of the pteron by the columns, &c. In 
many places the traces of painting in red and blue have been 
discovered. Of the above-mentioned reliefs fourteen tablets 
were found let into the walls of the Turkish citadel of Budrun, 

Fig. 151. 

built from the ruins of Halikarnassos. In 1846 they were pur- 
chased by the English Government for the British Museum. By 
the Romans the word mausoleum was used as a general term 
for tombs, reminding by their splendour or design of our monu- 

c. In some of the artistic grave-monuments the keeping of 
the body was quite dispensed with. We are speaking of the 
so-called kenotaphia, erected to deceased persons whose remains 
were not in the possession of their friends, or their paternal city, 
which wished to honour their memory. This leads us to monu- 


rnents erected in honour of living persons, for instance, of 
victors in public games, or wrestling competitions. The most 
beautiful amongst them, and, at the same time, one of the 
loveliest remnants of Greek antiquity, is the one erected at Athens 
to commemorate the victory gained by the choragos Lysikrates 
(334 B.C.). It is called either the choragic 
monument of Lysikrates, or the lantern 
of Diogenes (Fig. 152). It is altogether 
34 feet high. The base is slender and 
square in shape ; on it rises an elegant 
little round temple ; six Corinthian semi- 
columns protrude from the circular wall 
(see Fig. 11) carrying beams, the frieze 
of which represents an episode from the 
history of Dionysos, the god of festive 
games. Above the beams is the roof, 
wrought in the shape of a flat cupola from 
a large block of marble ; from the middle 
of it a stone-flower of acanthus-leaves 
seems to grow. It served to support a 
tripod, for the legs of which artistically 
decorated resting-points have been pre- 
served on the cupola. 

25. Amongst public buildings we 
mentioned first the gymnasia, which, 
originating in the requirements of single 
persons, soon became centre-points of 
Greek life. Corporeal exercise was of 
great importance amongst the Greeks, 
and the games and competitions in the 
various kinds of bodily skill (to which we 
shall return) formed a chief feature of their religious feasts. 
This circumstance reacted on both sculpture and architecture, in 
supplying the former with models of ideal beauty, and in setting 
the task to the latter of providing suitable places for these games 
to be celebrated. For purposes of this kind (as far as public 
exhibition was not concerned) the palsestrai and gymnasia served. 
In earlier times these two must be distinguished. In the palaestra 
[7raXaLGTpa from 7ra\>/, wrestling) young men practised wrestling 

s _J 

Fiar. 152. 


and boxing. As these arts were gradually developed, larger 
establishments with separate compartments became necessary. 
Originally such places were, like the schools of the grammarians, 
kept by private persons ; sometimes they consisted only of open 
spaces, if possible near a brook and surrounded by trees. Soon, 
however, regular buildings — gymnasia — became necessary. At first 
they consisted of an uncovered court surrounded by colonnades, ad- 
joining which lay covered spaces, the former being used for running 
and jumping, the latter for wrestling. In the same degree as these 
exercises became more developed, and as grown-up men began to 
take an interest in these youthful sports, and spent a great part of 
their day at the gymnasia, these grew in size and splendour. 
They soon became a necessary of life, and no town could be with- 
out them, larger cities often containing several. Minute de- 
scriptions of these establishments by Greek authors we do not 
possess, but the important parts are known to us from occasional 
remarks, particularly in the Platonic dialogues. There we find 
mentioned the ktyifieiov, where the youths used to practise ; 
further, the bath (fiaXaveiov) , to which belonged a dry sweating 
bath (7rvpiaTripiov), for the use of both wrestlers and visitors. 
The airolvr^piov was the room for undressing. In another room, 
the e\aio6i](jiov, the oil was kept for rubbing the wrestlers, and 
there possibly this rubbing itself took place ; in the /coviarrjpiov 
the wrestlers were sprinkled with sand, so as to give them a firm 
hold on each other. The a<paipLGTi)piov was destined for games 
at balls, while other passages, open or covered (collectively called 
Spores), were used for practice in running or simply for walking. 
A particular kind of covered passage were the ^vgtol, which had 
raised platforms on both sides for the walkers, the lower space 
between being used by the wrestlers — an arrangement similar to 
that of the stadia, whence the name of portions stadiatce applied to 
them by the Romans. 

About the connection of these different parts we receive in- 
formation by Yitruvius, who, in his fifth book about architecture 
(chapter xi.), gives a full description of a Greek gymnasion. He 
begins his architectural rules (derived from the gymnasia of 
late Greek times) with the court, which, as in the dwelling- 
house, is called 7repLGTv\iov, and may be either a perfect square or 
an oblong ; its whole circumference ought to be 2 stadia = 1,200 



feet. It is surrounded by colonnades on all four sides, that 
towards the south being double, in order to shelter the rooms 
lying on that side against the weather. Adjoining the single 
colonnades lay spacious halls (exedrce), with seats for philosophers, 
rhetoricians, and others ; behind the double colonnade lay various 
rooms, the centre one (ephebeum) being a large hall with seats, 
for the young men to practise in. Like the prostas of the older 
dwelling-house it seems to have been the centre of the whole 
building. To the right of it were the coryceum (for games at 
balls, KwpVKos), the conisterium (see p. 108), and next to it, 
where the colonnade made an angle, the frigida lavatio (cold bath), 
called by the Greeks Xovrpov. On the other side, in the same 
order, lay the elceothesium, the frigidarium, or rather, which is 
more likely, the tepidarium (tepid bath), and the entrance to the 
propnigeum (heating -room), with a sweating-bath near it, to 
which, on the other side, were joined a laconicum and the calda 

In most cases this was the whole of the gymnasion. At a 
later, more splendour-loving period, these establishments were 
considerably enlarged, and in some cases a stadion was added to 
the gymnasion. Vitruvius mentions this extension in his addi- 
tions to the above description. He says, that beyond this peri- 
stylos three porticoes may be added (with remarkable analogy to 
the addition of a second court to the older dwelling-house) : one 
on the side forming the peristylos (his name for the whole of the 
buildings just described), and two others to right and left of it. 
The first-mentioned one, towards the north, ought to be very broad, 
with a double colonnade ; the others, simple, with raised platforms 
(margines), at least 10 feet wide, going round at the side nearest to 
the wall and columns ; the deeper-lying centre, with steps leading 
to it, being destined for the wrestlers to practise in during the 
winter, so as not to disturb those walking on the platforms. These, 
he says, were the ^vgtol of the Greeks. Between these two ^vctol 
are to be plantations, gardens, and public walks, called by the 
Greeks TrepLtpo/dfees, by the Romans xysti ; on the third side of 
these grounds lies the stadion, a large space for the accommoda- 
tion of both spectators and wrestlers. 

These precepts, of course, were not carried out in every Greek 
gymnasion ; they only may serve to give a general notion of 


such establishments. Instead of adding a new one to the many 
conjectural designs attempted by archaeologists, we will give a 
description of a really existing Greek gymnasion, which, although 
very simple in design, tallies in the most essential points with the 
description of Vitruvius. Leake has discovered its remains at 
Hierapolis in Asia Minor (see plan, Fig. 153, scale = 90 metres). 
A A are covered passages, B the open colonnade, behind which 
the chief building is situated. In the latter the ephebeum (D) 
forms the centre, joined on one side by the coryceum (E), the 

Fig. 153. 

conisterium (F) and the cold bath (G), to the latter of which 
belonged perhaps the room I. In the two rooms opening towards 
the portico we must recognise the apodyteria, which Yitruvius 
does not mention at all. Room H would, according to Yitruvius, 
be the elaeothesium, L the tepidarium, and N the entrance to the 
heating-room and to the warm baths (M 0), of which Yitruvius 
mentions the various divisions. Turning to the back part of the 
establishment, we notice several rooms (C C), either exedrce or 
rooms for the keepers, between which lies the double portico 



(P.), turned towards the north, and forming the entrance from 
the first into the second division. Q, Q are the covered passages 
with single porticoes, the plantation (R R) lies between them, the 
third side of the quadrangle being occupied by the course (S), 
with steps (T) for the spectators. 

Quite different is the arrangement of the Gymnasion of 
Ephesos, which was built probably by the Emperor Hadrianus, 
and is amongst the best preserved ones in existence (see plan, 
Fig. 154, scale = 100 feet, English measure). The frequent use 
of the vault proves its Roman origin, while in the arrangement 
of the chief parts the essential features of Greek construction 

Fig. 154. 

remain the same. We find no peristylos, the chief building 
being, instead of it, surrounded by a portico (crypto-porticus, A) 
joined by numerous exedrae, which, however, are not, as Yitruvius 
prescribes, spatiosce, but resemble small niches of both round and 
quadrangular shapes. From the portico one enters an open 
space, thought to be the palaestra (B), and evidently intended to 
supply the peristylos. After it follows the ephebeum (C), which 
here also is the real centre of the building. The rooms D D 
seem to have had no communication with the ephebeum ; they 
open into the palaestra B, and may be considered as elaeothesium 
and conisterium, unless we take them for the apodyteria. Behind 



the ephebeum lies a passage (E) leading to the baths, F and Q 
being most likely the situations of the cold, L and M those of the 
warmer baths. H H are explained by the editors of the " Ionian 
Antiquities " as the hot or sudatory bath. Near I a staircase 
leads into a vaulted chamber, still blackened by smoke, which the 
editors take to be a laconicum. Perhaps it may have been a 
propnigeum, the room above being in that case the laconicum 
proper. K, which corresponds to the palaestra B, was most likely 
the sphaeristerium or coryceum. 

26. The centre of political and commercial intercourse was the 
agora. Like the gymnasion, and even earlier than this, it grew 
into architectural splendour with the increasing culture of the 
Greeks. In maritime cities it generally lay near the sea ; in inland 
places at the foot of the hill which carried the old feudal castle. 
Being the oldest part of the city, it naturally became the focus 
not only of commercial, but also of religious and political life. 
Here even in Homer's time the citizens assembled in consultation, 
for which purpose it was supplied with seats ; here were the 
oldest sanctuaries ; here were celebrated the first festive games ; 
here centred the roads on which the intercommunication, both 
religious and commercial, with neighbouring cities and states was 
carried on ; from here started the processions which continually 
passed between holy places of kindred origin, though locally 
separated. Although originally all public transactions were 
carried on in these market-places, special local arrangements 
for contracting public business soon became necessary in large 
cities. At Athens, for instance, the gently rising ground of 
the Philopappos hill, called Pnyx, touching the Agora, was 
used for political consultations, while most likely, about the time 
of the Pisistratides, the market of Kerameikos, the oldest seat 
of Attic industry (lying between the foot of the Akropolis, the 
Areopagos, and the hill of Theseus), became the agora proper, 
i.e. the centre of Athenian commerce. The described circum- 
stances naturally led to an ornamentation of the market-place. 
Nevertheless, in old towns the agora was not an artistic whole 
with a distinct architectural design. Its confines were originally 
irregular, and the site of temples, and the direction of the streets 
leading into it, made an alteration of its boundary-line difficult. 
This was different in cities founded at a later period ; the regular 



construction of the agora seems indeed to have been initiated 
by the colonies of Asia Minor. Pausanias says of the market- 
place of Elis, that it was not built according to the Ionian custom, 
but in a more ancient style. 

Concerning these Ionic market-buildings, we again meet with 
the form of a quadrangular court surrounded by colonnades. 
This form, eminently suited to the climate, was frequently used 
by the Greeks, both in private and public buildings. The descrip- 
tion by Yitruvius ("Arch.," Y. 1) of an agora, evidently refers to 
the splendid structures of post- Alexandrine times. According to 
him it was quadrangular in size, and surrounded by wide double 
colonnades. The numerous 
columns carried archi- 
traves of common stone or 
of marble, and on the 
roofs of the porticoes were 
galleries for walking pur- 
poses. This, of course, does 
not apply to all market- 
places, even of later date ; 
but, upon the whole, the 
remaining specimens agree 
with the description of 
Yitruvius. Figs. 155 and 
156 illustrate the beautiful 
market-place of Delos. It 
lies on a terrace near the 
small harbour of the town, 
and consists of a quad- 
rangular court surrounded by a Doric colonnade. The length of 
the whole is 170 feet (English measure). The western colonnade 
(A) is the largest, being 40 feet wide ; it has a number of doors 
through which the entrance from the terrace and the sea into 
the agora was effected. E and F mark the sites where, most 
likely, stood altars ; in the centre of the open area was a 

Richer and larger was the agora of Aphrodisias in Karia. 
It occupied an area of 525 by 213 feet, and the inside of it was 
adorned with an elegant Ionic colonnade containing marble 






benches. Outside of the enclosing wall was also a colonnade. 
Altogether 460 columns stood in this place. 

To complete the picture of a Greek agora we mention a 
monument which once adorned the market-place of Athens. It is 

the so-called "Tower of 
the Winds," erected 
about 50 B.C. by An- 
dronikus of Kyrrhos, and 
supplying two important 
requirements of com- 
mercial gatherings. The 
interior contained a 
water-clock, and on the 
floor (see plan, Fig. 157) 
the grooves are still re- 
cognisable, the gradual 
filling of which with 
water from a reservoir 
marked the passing time. 
On the top of the roof 
is a capital, and on it 
stands a movable bronze 
figure of a Triton (no 
more in existence) , which, 
moved round by the 
wind, pointed with its 
staff to the different 
directions of the winds, 
the figures of which, in 
bas-relief, adorned the 
eight sides of the build- 
ing. Underneath this 
frieze the lines of a sun- 
dial are chiselled into 
the wall. Two small 

Fig. 156. 

Fig. 157. 

porticoes contain each two fluted columns without bases, the 
capitals of which remind us of the Corinthian style. A semi- 
circular building is affixed to the chief edifice, the whole im- 
pression of which is extremely graceful (Fig. 158). 



27. We have repeatedly mentioned the stoa or colonnade in 
connection with other buildings ; we now have to consider it as a 
separate artistic erection. Something of the land we have already 
seen in the xysti, where wide colonnades were terminated on one 
side by a wall, on the other by a row of columns. In the same 
manner the stoa, as an independent building, occurs both as an 
ornament of streets and squares, and as a convenient locality for 

walks and public meetings. Its simplest form is that of a colon- 
nade bounded by a wall. This back wall offers a splendid surface 
for decorations, and is frequently adorned with pictures. A stoa 
in the market-place of Athens contained illustrations of the 
battle of GEnoe, of the fight of the Athenians against the 



Amazons, of the destruction of Troy, and of the battle of Marathon ; 
hence the name aroa ttolklK^. 

The progress from this simple form to a further extension is 
on a principle somewhat analogous to what we have observed in 
the temple ; that is, a row of columns was added on the other 
side of the wall. The result was a double colonnade, croa hnr\rj, 
as a specimen of which, Pausanias mentions €he Korkyraic stoa 
near the market-place of Elis. As important we notice Pau- 
sanias' s remark that this stoa " contained in the middle not columns, 

but a wall ; " which shows that most 
of the double colonnades contained 
columns in the centre as props of the 
roof. Indeed, such remains as are pre- 
served indicate this arrangement more 
or less distinctly. This is the case 
particularly with the so-called basilika 
of PaBstum. This building, lying to 
the south of the small temple, looks 
itself at first sight like a temple, from 
which, however, it differs considerably 
on closer investigation. First of all, 
it has on its smaller sides an uneven 
number of columns (viz. 9), while in 
the temple the situation of the entrance 
in the middle necessitated an even 
number of columns. Inside the colon- 
nade we here find, instead of the walls 
of the cella, rows of columns, and in 
the middle between these another row 
of slightly larger columns, which divide 
the building into two equal parts, and, like the wall in the 
Korkyraic monument at Elis, carry the roof. 

The design of the colonnade at Thorikos in Attica seems to 
have been of a similar character (see Fig. 159). It has seven 
columns in each of the two smaller facades (a little over 48 English 
feet wide) and fourteen on each of the long sides ; a row of columns 
in the middle (no more in existence) seems to have carried the 

In stoas destined for public consultations a further division 



of the centre space became desirable, and, indeed, we are told that 
in some of them the interior was divided by rows of columns into 
three naves. Touching the agora of Elis, towards the south lay a 
stoa in which the Hellanodikai assembled for common consulta- 
tions. If was of the Doric order, and divided into three parts by 
two rows of columns. If we assume that it was surrounded by a 
wall, instead of a simple row of columns, Fig. 160 will show us 
the design (scale = 50 feet) . A is the centre nave, B B the two 
side naves, C a semicircular termination to the centre nave analo- 
gous to the exedrce in the gymnasia ; D is the portico by means of 
which the building opens towards the agora. In this way we 
gain the form of a building somewhat similar both to the cella of 
a temple and to the Roman basilica. Perhaps the aroa ^aaiXeio^ 
in the agora of Athens, where the 
Archon Basileus sat in judgment, 
was arranged in a similar manner. 

28. The arts practised in the 
gymnasia were publicly displayed 
at the festivals. The buildings in 
which these displays took place 
were modified according to their 
varieties. The races both on horse- 
back and in chariots took place in 
the hippodrome ^irocpofio^), for 

the gymnastic games of the pentathlon served the stadion ((jrahiov) , 
while for the acme of the festivals, the musical and dramatic per- 
formances, theatres were erected. 

Hippodromes were originally of very simple design. The 
heroes before Troy raced in a plain near the sea, the boundaries of 
which were marked in the most primitive manner ; a dry tree one 
fathom (Klafter) in height, with two white shining stones leaning 
against it, served as the goal (criy/xa). The spectators took their 
seats where they could find them on the hills, near which a 
course was generally chosen with this view. 

This regard to the locality, so characteristic of Greek architec- 
ture, was even observed when the recurrence of festive games had 
made more complicated arrangements necessary. This was parti- 
cularly the case with the hippodrome of Olympia, of which we 
possess minute descriptions, and which therefore may serve as an 

1 2 




example of Greek race-courses in general. Pausanias says in his 
description of this building (if so it may be called), that one side 

of it was formed by a low 
range of hills, where the 
seats of the spectators were 
situated. Perhaps this one 
side was sufficient for that 
purpose during the first time 
after the introduction of 
races (Olympiad 25). But 
when the multitudes at the 
Olympian festivals began to 
increase more and more, a 
wall of earth (y^wfia) was 
erected opposite the hill- 
side with more seats. These 
two platforms bounded the 
course proper on its two 
long sides, the wall being 
a little longer than the 
hill, owing perhaps to 
the oblique direction of 
the line of starting. It lay 
to the left of the hill, and, 
being extended as far as 
the wall, finished the course 
on this side ; the architec- 
tural boundary of the whole 
was formed on the same 
side by a portico built by 
Agnaptos. On the opposite 
side the wall joined the hill 
in a semicircle, with an 
outlet in the centre, which 
on this side finished the 
course. Here also was 
placed the goal round which 
the charioteer had to turn, the most difficult operation of 
the whole race. " Here was," says Pausanias, after mentioning 



tlie outlet, " the horror of horses, the taraxippos (rap cl^ltttto^) 
It has the form of a round altar, and when the horses pass 
it, they are struck, without a visible cause, with great fear, 
which produces restiveness and confusion ; the reason why 
often the chariots break, and the charioteers are wounded." 
A second goal was at the other end of the course ; on it stood 
the statue of Hippodameia, and it marked the spot which the 
chariots, after rounding the taraxippos, had to reach in order 
to gain the victory. The plan of the course is shown by Fig. 161 
(scale = 300 feet), according to Hirt's investigations. A is the 
slope of the hill, R the rows of seats on the wall, C C the semicircle 
joining the hill, D the above-mentioned passage. Opposite this 
stands the taraxippos E, F being the second goal with the statue 
of Hippodameia. Whether between these two goals the ground 
was raised, in analogy to the spina of the Roman circus, or whether 
the line of separation between the up and down courses was 
marked by columns, Pausanias does not say. Some arrangement 
of this kind must certainly have been desirable, and has therefore 
been conjectured by several archaeologists (G). The side of the 
Hippodrome lying opposite the curve is closed by the portico of 
Agnaptos (H). In front of it was a contrivance which, although 
Pausanias describes it with evident gusto, can hardly be recognised 
with certainty. It is the utyeais, the start (J J) or barrier, from 
which, on a given sign (a bronze eagle thrown into the air by 
some mechanical appliance), the horses dragging the chariots set 
out on their run. The a(pe(TLs protruded into the space of the 
course like the prow of a vessel, each of its two sides being about 
400 feet long. Inside it were the places for horses and chariots 
{oiKy]jJLCUTa). They were placed with a view to showing perfect 
impartiality to all competitors, and were assigned to them by 
lot. Each compartment was closed by a rope ; on a sign being 
given the rope was first withdrawn from the compartment 
nearest the portico (a a) ; when the horses thus released had 
reached the compartment (b b), the rope was withdrawn there 
and two other chariots (or racing horses) entered the course, and 
so forth up to the furthest point of the afaai?* Between the lists 

* On this 'nnrafytcriQ the inventor of it, Klecetas, the Athenian sculptor, prided 
himself much. The whole arrangement, however, has heen douhted as too compli- 
cated for the practically minded Greeks. Still the words of Pausanias distinct!)' 



and the portico of Agnaptos lay an open court (K), in which 
the preparations for the race were made, and where stood the 
statues of Poseidon Hippios and Here Hippia. Altars and 
statues were, moreover, placed in various points of the building. 
Two of the former were respectively dedicated to Ares Hippios and 
Athene Hippia, as the protecting deities of warlike and chivalrous 
exercises ; others were devoted to the ayaBij Tvyjy to Pan, Aphro- 
dite, and the lymphs, not to mention several other divinities. 
Demeter Chamyne had a temple on the top of the hill, most 
likely above the spectators' seats. 

29. Analogous to the design of the hippodrome was that of 
the stadion (aradiov). This being originally designed for the 
running of foot-races, its length- wise shape was also determined. 

The runners here, however, being men, both the length and width 
of the course were of smaller dimensions. The usual length of the 
stadion was 600 feet, a measure which, first decided upon by 
Herakles for the Stadion of Olympia, afterwards became the unit 
of the Greek road-measure. Some of the stadia are, however, 
much longer ; the one at Laodikeia being, for instance, 1,000 feet 
long by only 90 wide (see Fig. 162). Here a natural declivity of 
the soil had been made available. The games took place in the 
valley, the spectators being seated on the slope of the hill, which 
for that purpose had been formed into terraces. Such favourable 
situations, however, being scarce, generally the sides of the stadion 

indicate the gradual releasing of the horses, and also the two sides of the startin 



had to be artificially raised, which was done by surrounding it 
with a wall of earth.* This arrangement seems to have been the 
common one amongst the Greeks, and Pausanias mentions several 
stadia (for instance, at Corinth, Thebes, Athens, Olympia, and 
Epidauros) consisting of a yjti\ia ; moreover, he mentions ex- 
pressly that this was the usual way of their construction. In 
later times artistic decorations were added, and the seats built of 
solid stone. The Stadion 
of Messene is a beautiful g 
example of natural fitness 
and additional artistic 
arrangement. Lying in 
the lower parts of the 
town its form was deter- 
mined by the nature of 
the soil (see Fig. 163, 
scale = 100 metres). 
The area, the scene of 
the competitions (a a), 
lies in a natural hollow 
through which flows a 
brook. The hills on 
both sides were used for 
seats (b b) without any 
attempts being made at 
making the two long 
sides of the stadion par- 
allel. Colonnades were 
erected on the top of the 
rising ground, and the 
semicircular termination 
of the course was fitted 

with stone seats all round. The colonnade (C) extended on 
one side to the end of the course, which is there finished by the 

* Sometimes this was done only on one side of the stadion, as was, for instance, the 
case in that lying, according to Pausanias, behind the theatre of iEgina. Ross says 
of the Stadion of Delos, that its western side is bounded by a hill, the eastern one 
being left entirely without seats, with the exception of a kind of tribune about forty- 
five paces in length lying right in the centre, and having contained, as it seems 
three or four rows of seats. 



town wall (k) ; on the other it ends in an obtuse angle (d), owing 
to the slight decline of the ground at that point. The colonnades 
also extend toward the end of the course, where they enclose a 
square court, and are joined together by a double portico (ee). 
This double portico seems to have been the chief entrance, the 
wall enclosing this whole part being besides interrupted by two 
minor entrances (/and g). In the centre of this raised peristyle 
lies the semicircular termination of the stadion (hh), called by the. 
Greeks crtyevlovv, or occasionally Oearpov, owing to its similitude to 
the place for the spectators of a theatre. It was reserved for 
wrestling-matches, the pankration, and the like. Here, at Olympia, 
the umpires were seated ; at Messene also this space was evidently 
reserved for a better class of people : hence the sixteen rows of 
benches surrounding the area all made of stone. Two protrusions 
of the surrounding colonnade (it) give this space a beautiful 
architectural conclusion (see the section of the stadion, Fig. 164, 

. ' 

Yig. 164. 

scale = 70 metres). Right opposite, in a curve of the town wall, 
lies a building evidently used for religious purposes. The stadion 
of Ephesos was entirely a product of art ; it seems to date from the 
later time of the city's splendour under the successors of Alexander 
the Great, or even under the Roman emperors. 

The barrier from which the runners started was on the same 
side as in the hippodrome, the goal, which was not wanting in 
the stadion, being placed in or near the curve of the sphendone. 
Both starting-point and goal were marked by columns ; a third 
column, according to one account, stood between them in the centre 
of the stadion. These three formed the line (perhaps otherwise 
marked) dividing the stadion into two halves, an arrangement 
necessary for the " double run " and the run against time. For in 
these the runner had to turn round at the goal (vvoua, repjuLU, &c.) 
and run back. This seems indicated by the inscription written on 
the last column, according to the account of the Scholiast (So- 
phokles, EL 691), of Kajx^rov (turn !), the words on the two other 



columns being aplareve (be brave !) 
stadia with semicircles at both ends 
required a different arrangement. 
These seem to belong to a later 
epoch, and may in many cases have 
been imitated from Roman amphi- 
theatres. A beautiful specimen of 
this later style is the Stadion of 
Aphrodisiasin Karia, which is about 
895 English feet in length (see 
Fig. 165). Here also a natural 
declivity of the soil has been turned 
to account, and, in order to have 
room for rows of seats, the hollow 
has been artificially increased. The 
whole space is surrounded by a wall 
with ornamental arcades (see cross- 
section, Fig. 166), through which 
fifteen public entrances led into the 
interior ; several subterraneous pas- 
sages opened into the area without 
touching the seats of the spectators 
(see longitudinal section, Fig. 167). 
Such passages seem to have been 
common. Pausanias (VI. 20, 8) 
mentions one in the stadion of 
Olympia through which the com- 
petitors and the Hellanodikai used 
to enter ; the Olympian stadion at 
Athens still shows on its left long- 
side the traces of a subterraneous 
entrance, cut through the rock. 

30. The theatres formed the 
climax of festive architecture in 
Greece, in accordance with the im- 
portant position of the drama in 
Greek poetry. Their beginnings 
were, however, simple, the more 
so as they were in use before the c 

and oirevle (make haste !) The 

Fig-. 165. 

rama had attained its artistic 



development. Originally they were destined for the performance 
of the choric dances and songs appertaining to the worship of 
Dionysos, but soon they obtained public importance, and became 
both a means of artistic culture for youths and maidens and a 
source of public enjoyment. Theatres were even used for quite 
different purposes. Pageants of all kinds could take place in 
them, and at the same time they offered a convenient point for the 
communications made to the people on the part of the government. 
Regular public meetings were held in theatres, as was, for 
instance, commonly the case at Athens in the great theatre of 
Dionysos, even after the dramatic performances had reached a high 

Fig. 167. 

The form and construction of the buildings were here again 
adapted to local circumstances, natural risings of the ground being 
generally chosen for the purpose. Differently from the hippodrome 
or stadion, the action here had to be fixed to a certain point, 
round which the spectators' seats had to be arranged, so as to 
enable them to direct their eyes to this centre of action. Hence 
the form of a greater or smaller segment of the circle was chosen 
as most convenient. 

The oldest theatres consisted of two chief divisions \ the stage 
for the dancers {yopos, ofr^rjarpa) and the place for the spectators. 
The former was levelled in the simplest manner ; in the centre 



stood the altar of the god to be celebrated, most frequently 
Dionysos, whose worship was connected with dancing. Bound the 
orchestra rose on the one side the seats of the spectators, in the 
form of a semicircle or of a large segment, mostly on the slope of 
a hill. Originally the people sat on the hill itself, afterwards seats 
(first of wood, later of stone) were put up, where the soil was soft ; 
where it was rocky, concentric rows of seats were cut into it. This 
custom was not relinquished by the Greeks even after the demands 
of artistic beauty and perfection* were pitched very high, which 
explains the fact that in Greece proper only one theatre (at 
Mantinea) has been discovered where the natural height has been 
supplied by an artificial one, which simply consists of an earth 
wall propped by surrounding walls of polygonal stones, and 
covered with rows of seats. 

Only in very few cases, however, was the locality naturally 
quite adapted to the purpose. Generally alterations and enlarge- 
ments were required, which ultimately, in the splendour-loving 
cities of Asia Minor, at a post- Alexandrine period, led to the 
theatre being wholly built of stone. 

Other alterations of the original theatres date from a much 
earlier period. From the original Bacchic chorus the drama had 
developed into tragedy and comedy ; and although these are said 
to have been performed at first by Thespis on a movable scaffold, 
they soon were transferred into the standing theatres, the more 
easily as the drama itself was considered as part of the Dionysos- 
worship. This circumstance made the erection of a stage neces- 
sary. Even in the older theatres a wall had been erected at the 
back of the orchestra, partly for architectural, partly for acoustic 
reasons, and this wall now was gradually extended into a separate 
stage-building. The first theatre erected of stone with a regular 
stage was that of Athens, which became the model of all others, 
both in Greece and the colonies. It was dedicated to Dionysos. 
After the wooden scaffolds, originally used, had broken down 
during a theatrical performance in which iEschylos and Pratinas 
appeared as competitors, this theatre was built on the southern 
slope of the Akropolis (see Fig. 51, J). The hill itself was partly 
turned to account architecturally. The theatre was begun in 
Olympiad 70, and finished between 340-30 B.C., under Lykurgos. 
It had almost entirely disappeared under the rubbish of centuries 


when it was restored to light in its whole extent by the celebrated 
Grerman architect Strack in 1862 (see Fig. 181). 

In the theatre of Athens a common type had been gained, 
which, with many local modifications, was reproduced ever after. 

The theatre was divided into three 
. • ~ > ... rr '\ parts — the orchestra, forming almost 
^^^^^^\T^~^ > ^ a complete circle, the place for the 

« x spectators, and the stage-building, 
v The place for the spectators (to 
'^^^E^^ - ^ fei kol\ov, the hollow pit) consisted of 

several steps rising round the or- 
Hp chestra in a semicircle or larger seg- 
ir ment, and serving the audience as 
seats (IhwXiov). Towards the stage 
the seats were closed by a wall, 

Fig. 168. 

which served both 
as a prop and a 
boundary, and, fol- 
lowing the rising 
line of the seats, 
did not obstruct the 
view on to the 
stage. The position 
of these walls, 
standing either in 
an obtuse angle to- 
wards each other, 
or in a straight line, was the cause of two different arrangements, 
according to which we may divide all the Greek theatres known 

to us into two classes. As 
an example of the first class, 
we may mention the theatre 
• - of Delos (see Fig. 168, 

-*=^- ^^L^^ sists of a natural rising of 
"y-i 170 the ground, being artificially 

brought into a more regular 
shape, and completed by a solid wall 19 feet thick by 30 long. 
Another example is the theatre of Stratonikeia (see Fig. 169, 


scale = 60 feet, English measure), built most likely at the time of 
the Seleukides, and enlarged under the Roman emperors. 

Of theatres with a rectangular termination of their seats we 
mention that of Megalopolis in Arcadia, originally one of the 
largest and most beau- 
tiful in Grreece (see Fig. j§ 
170). It consists of a 
hill considerably en- 
larged, in consequence 
of which Pausanias calls 
it the largest theatre. 
The accounts of its dia- 
meter differ from 480 
to 600 feet. In its pre- 
sent ruined condition neither the stage nor the seats are distinctly 

The same form is shown by the theatre of Segesta, in Sicily, 
the koilon of which dates from early Greek times ; other rows of 
p^ats on artificial bases, in addition to the original twenty, have 

Fio-. 171. 

□ ODD. 

Fig. 172. 

later been added. A passage divides the earlier and later parts 
of the seats. The remnants of the stage belong to later Roman 
times. Fig. 171 shows the perspective view, Fig. 172 the plan 
(scale = 140 Sicilian palms) . 

The interruption of the rows of seats by wider intervals is 



frequently found in theatres, particularly in the larger ones. In order 
to facilitate the ascent to the rows and single seats, these passages 
(hia^wfiaTa) used to divide the seats into several concentric stripes. 
One diazoma only occurs both in the theatres of Segesta and Stra- 
tonikeia (Fig. 169). Others have two, as, for instance, the small 
theatre of Knidos, which has also been considered as an odeum 
(see Fig. 173; width of the orchestra = about 65 English feet). 
Its koilon is enclosed by rectangular walls, most likely owing to 
the direction of the streets between which the theatre lies. 

The theatre at Dramyssos in Epeiros has three diazomata, 

Fig. 173. 

two dividing the seats, and one enclosing the whole koilon ; it 
may at the same time serve as an example of the above-mentioned 
rectangularly closed theatre. The koilon (see Fig. 174 ; scale = 
100 English feet) is well preserved ; in the place of the upper 
third diazoma Donaldson conjectures a colonnade, of which, 
however, no remnants are now in existence. The diameter of the 
orchestra is very small compared with that of the spectators' place ; 
d and e mark steps leading up to the second diazoma. The style of 
the building is very simple, and it therefore is considered by many 
as very early and of Greek origin ; according to others it belongs to 
Pcoman times. Of the stage building no recognisable parts remain. 



On the outside the koilon was generally enclosed by a wall, as 
is shown by the theatre of Dramyssos and others ; Yitruvius in 
his description of the Greek theatre speaks of a colonnade, but of 
this no authentic traces remain in ruins of the Greek period. 

The entrances to the seats were generally between the prop- 
ping walls and the stage-building ; the spectators ascended from 
the orchestra. In larger theatres other entrances became desirable. 
In the theatre of Dramyssos stairs on the outside of the propping 
wall led to the first diazoma. In other theatres, where the locality 
permitted, entrances to the upper parts of the koilon had been 
arranged, as, for instance, in the theatre of Segesta, and also 
in that of Sikyon (see Fig. 175; scale = 60 metres). In the 
latter, two passages (a and b) led through the mountain itself into 

Fig. 174. 

the centre of the koilon (see a view of passage a, Fig. 176). 
Moreover, the single rows of seats intercommunicated in all 
theatres by means of narrow stairs, which, verging like radii 
towards the centre of the orchestra, divided the koilon into several 
wedge-like partitions (/cepr/Be?) . In Greek theatres these are 
generally found in even numbers, varying, according to size and 
other local conditions, from two to ten. Where several diazomata 
are found, the mutual position of the stairs has been changed (as 
at Knidos, Segesta, Stratonikeia) , or their number has been 
doubled (as at Dramyssos). Two of the stair-steps are equal in size 
to one of the sitting- steps, the latter being so arranged that the 
spectators had room to sit at ease without being inconvenienced 
by the feet of those occupying the upper rows. Their height was, 



according to Yitruvius, no less than 1 foot, and not more than 
1 'foot 6 inches, which small measure is accounted for by the 
custom of raising the seats by means of bolsters and cushions ; the 

Fig. 175. Fig. 176. 

width of the seats was equal to about twice their height. The 
steps are generally simple in design, with a view, however, to con- 
venience and comfort. Frequently they are slightly raised in 
front, the lower part at the back being destined for the feet of 

Fig. 177. Fig. 178. 

those sitting in the row behind. This is illustrated in the simplest 
manner by the sitting-steps of the theatres of Catana (Fig. 177) 
and of Akrai (Fig. 178), in Sicily, a being the sitting- steps, b 
those of the stairs. 


Fig. 179. Fig. 180. 

In other theatres the front side of the steps has been slightly 
pushed back or hollowed out, so as to gain room for the feet. 
Such is the case in the theatres at Megalopolis (Fig. 179), at 



Tauromenium, and at Side in Asia Minor. Particularly comfort- 
able are the steps of the theatre at Sparta, with their seats slightly 
hollowed out (Fig. 180) ; those at Iasos, in Asia Minor, are formed 
in the manner of arm-chairs, the seats in front of the diazoma 
being real arm-chairs with backs to them, as was also the case 
in the theatre of Epidauros, celebrated amongst the ancients. 
Particularly interesting with regard to these arm-chairs is the 
above-mentioned theatre of Dionysos at Athens, rediscovered in 

Fig. 181. 

1862. The place for the spectators consists of about one hundred 
rows of seats, divided into thirteen kerkides by means of fourteen 
stairs, the two last of which lie near the entrances, close by the 
side-wall. The height of each step is 0'345 metre, the hori- 
zontal depth 0*782 metre ; the latter is divided into two parts, 
the front one (0-332 metre deep) being used as the seat; the 
back one (0'45 metre deep), slightly hollowed, being destined for 
the feet of those sitting higher. The width of the stair-steps is 




0'70 metre, their height corresponding with that of the sitting 
steps in this manner, that the stair-step at first is 0*22 metre high, 
but gradually rises towards the back. In this sloping part grooves 
have been cut into the step, so as to prevent people from slipping. 
The lowest row of steps immediately surrounding the orchestra 
(Fig. 181) is occupied by sixty-seven arm-chairs, by ones, twos, 
or threes, hewn from blocks of Pentelic marble. These, as is 
proved by their inscriptions, were destined for the priests, archontes, 
and thesmothetai, the centre one, richly decorated with bas-reliefs, 
being reserved for the priest of Dionysos Eleuthereus. The wall 
of the proskenion, also decorated with bas-reliefs, was erected by 
the Archon Phaidros, perhaps in the third century after Christ, 
while the older wall and the oldest proskenion were placed, the 
former by six, the latter by eight, metres further back, owing to 
the orchestra required for the chorus of the old tragedy and 
comedy being much larger than that wanted for the mimic per- 
formances of late Roman times. 

The orchestra, as we said before, was the scene of the choric 
dances in which the drama had its origin. Even in later theatres 
a large space was reserved for this purpose between the place for 
the spectators and the stage. This space was larger in the Greek 
than in the Pornan theatres, in which latter no dances of this 
kind took place. Yitruvius describes the Greek orchestra as a 
circle into which a square had been designed, so that the four 
corners touched the periphery. The side of the square turned 
towards the stage terminates the orchestra, the space between this 
line and the tangent parallel to it being occupied by the stage. 
On the other side the orchestra is enclosed by the seats of the 
spectators. In the centre of it stands the thymele, the altar of 
Dionysos, which at the same time forms the central point of the 
choric dances. The soil was simply levelled ; at meetings it was 
perhaps strewn with sand (hence KovloTpa) ; only in case dances 
were performed the thymele was surrounded with a floor of boards, 
resting most likely on several steps. In case of dramatic per- 
formances different arrangements became necessary. For the 
chorus had not only to sing and dance, but also to speak to the 
actors on the stage, and its place of action had to be raised accord- 
ingly. This was done by erecting a scaffolding over one half of the 
konistra as far as the thymele, and placing boards thereon. This 


raised part was called the orchestra proper, or the scenic orchestra, 
to distinguish it from the choreatic one. The latter, by some 
feet lower than the stage, was entered by the choreutai by the 
same passages (7^0809), between the walls and thekoilon, through 
which the spectators reached the konistra, and thence their seats. 
Steps led up to the orchestra, which again was connected with the 
stage by means of low movable stairs (fcXljULCiKes) of three or four 
steps each (A-At/za/m/joes), as the course of the drama required 
frequently the ascending by the chorus of the stage, and its 
returning thence to the orchestra. Of these temporary arrange- 
ments naturally nothing remains, hence the various theories 
regarding them started by archaeologists. Upon these, however, 
we cannot enter. 

Of the stage-building we have fewer and less well-preserved 
remnants than of the place for the spectators. The stage was 
called rj gky\vv\ (tent), an expression dating most likely from the 
time when at the back of the orchestra a scaffolding was erected 
from which the actors entered as from a kind of tent. Afterwards 
the same expression was transferred to the stone theatre, its mean- 
ing being now either the whole stage-building, or, in a narrower 
sense, the back wall of the stage. Hence the expression found in 
Vitruvius of scena tragica, comica, and satyrica, from the different 
changes of scenery applied to it. Sometimes the small space in 
front of the back wall on which the actors performed was called 
ok!]vy], instead of the more common 7tpoGKi)viov. Sometimes also 
the name Xoyeiov was used for this place, or more particularly for 
the centre of it, from which the actors mostly delivered their 
speeches. This proskenion was considerably higher than the floor 
of the konistra, in order to raise, as it were, the actors into a 
strange sphere. Probably the whole space below the wooden 
floor of the proskenion was called vttogk})vlov ; its outer wall 
facing the orchestra was, according to Pollux, decorated with 
columns and sculptures. From it the " Charonic steps ,J 
{yapwveioi KKijiaKes) led up to the proskenion, on which the 
ghosts of dead persons and river gods ascended the stage. The 
entrance was closed by a sliding slab of wood. UapciGK))via were 
the two juttings of the stage- building enclosing the proskenion to 
right and left, eKtaK^via the different stories of the stage-wall. 
Several stage-buildings have been preserved, particularly in 

k 2' 


Asiatic cities, but in most of them Roman influences must be 
suspected, and they hardly can serve as specimens of purely 
Greek arrangements. The theatre of Telmessos in Lykia is 

Fig. 182. 

perhaps most adapted to this purpose, owing to its great sim- 
plicity (see Fig. 182). The koilon is formed by a hill, the seats 
being closed in obtuse angles ; one diazoma divides them into two 

Fig. 183. 

halves, another serves as an upper passage round them ; eight 
stairs divide the place for the spectators into nine fcepKihe?; the 
orchestra is very large, and agrees exactly with the statement of 


Vitruvius ; the proskenion rested on a wooden scaffolding. The 
wall of the skene shows five doors, each of them originally 
enclosed by two columns. Beneath these one still recognises the 
hollows into which the beams of the floor of the proskenion 
were placed (see Fig. 183) ; the doors underneath led into the 
hyposkenion, the position of which we have described above. 
Other specimens of preserved stage-buildings we shall mention in 
speaking of the Roman theatre (§ 84) ; we conclude our descrip- 
tion with a perspective view of a Greek theatre, designed by 
Strack according to the statements of ancient writers and the 
preserved remnants (Fig. 184). 

Fig. 184. 

31. In our description of the private dwellings of the Greeks, 
we mentioned that more even than the public buildings they 
have suffered from the influence of time. The same applies to 
their interior fittings ; only the utensils deposited in graves have 
escaped the common destruction ; in other cases pictures on vases 
and sculptural representations must aid us in our description. 

The different kinds of seats are specified by the following 
expressions — hlcfypos, kKkj/jlos, xKivr^p, k\ktl}] and Opovos. Diphros 
is a small, backless, easily movable stool, with four legs, either 
crossed or perpendicular. The first-mentioned form of the 
diphros, called also oitXctila? hippos, SicXahias, or 6pavo? 7ttvkt6^, 
c[(ppo? Taireivos, could easily be folded, as the seat consisted only 
of interwoven straps. It was therefore the custom amongst the 
Athenians to have these folding-stools carried after them by 


slaves. ISTo less frequent were the diphroi with four perpen- 
dicular legs, which could naturally not be folded. Both forms of 
the diphros are found on ancient monuments in many varieties. 
Fig. 185, a, a diphros okladias, is taken from the marble 
relief of a grave at Krissa. The two folding-stools, Fig. 185, b 
and c, are from pictures on vases ; the legs appear gracefully 
bent and neatly carved. The second form of the diphros is 
shown by Fig. 185, d, and Fig. 186, c. The first is taken from the 
frieze of the Parthenon, where similar stools are carried on their 
heads by the wives and daughters of the metoikoi who, at the 
Panathenea, had to submit to the custom of stool-carrying 
(hi(f)po(pope?v) : the second illustration is derived from a marble 
relief at Athens ; it is remarkable by its neatly bent legs and by 
the turned knobs above the sitting-board, perhaps destined to 
fasten the cushion placed thereon. If to this solid diphros we add 

Fig. 185. 

a back, we come to the second species of chairs, called kKkt/ulos, 
kXlvtyjp, and kKioIv] (see Fig. 185, e, f). They are like our 
ordinary drawing-room chairs, but for the upper part of the 
back; which is bent semicirculaiiy, and therefore much more 
comfortable than our straight-backed chairs. The legs bent 
outward gracefully are in perfect harmony. 

Under Opovos we comprise all larger chairs with a straight 
back and low arms ; the former reaches either to the middle of 
the back, or up to the head, of the sitting person. The thronoi in 
the temples were the seats of the gods ; in private houses they 
were reserved as seats of honour for the master and his guests. 
The thronoi in private houses were mostly made of heavy 
wood; those in the temples, the ekklesiai, dikasteria, bouleu- 
teria, the stadion, and hippodrome, reserved for the judges and 
leaders of the people, were generally wrought in marble. The 
thronoi were in different parts richly decorated with carved 



garlands or figures ; in sculptures they occur in various forms. 
The low-backed thronos is shown in Figs. 185, g, and 186, a, the 
former from the Harpy- monument at Xanthos, the latter from the 
frieze of the Parthenon. The old wooden throne with a high 
back appears in a marble relief of the best period (Fig. 186, b), 
while several richly ornamented marble seats in the theatre of 
Dionysos (Fig. 181), in the Akropolis of Athens (Stuart and 
Hevett, "Antiquities," iii., p. 19), illustrate the seats of honour of 
the athiothetai in the market-places. The existence of thronoi 
without backs is proved by the picture on a vase of a thronos 
(Fig. 185, h) on which Aigisthos is being killed by Orestes. On 
the seats of all these chairs woolly hides, blankets, or bolsters, used 

a b 

Fig. 186. 

to be put, as is mentioned by Homer (see Fig. 185, b, c, e,f, g). 
To the throne belonged the footstool (Oprjvvs), either attached to 
its front legs, and therefore immovable, or as a separate piece of 
furniture. It was considered as indispensable both to rest the 
feet and to mount the high throne. It was used, however, also 
with low seats, resembling very much our modern footstool (Fig. 
185, d, and Fig. 186, c). Something similar may have been the 
massive wooden footstool (uffieKas) which, in the house of Odysseus, 
Eurymachos applies as a missile. The width of the footstool 
corresponds to that of the chair, those used for couches being 
naturally longer (see Fig. 188). 

32. The oldest specimen of a bedstead (k\lv)]) is that 
mentioned by Homer as joined together by Odysseus in his own 
house. He had cut off the stem of an olive-tree a few feet from 
the ground, and joined to it the boards of the bed, so that the trunk 


supported the bed at the head. It therefore was immovable. 
The antique bed must be considered as the prolongation of the 
diphros. The cross-legged diphros prolonged became the folding 
bed ; that with perpendicular legs, the couch. The former could 
easily be moved and replaced ; they are perhaps identical with 
the hejuvia frequently mentioned in the " Odyssey," which were 
put into the outer hall for guests. One of them is shown as the 
notorious bed of Prokrustes in a picture on a vase (Fig. 187, a). 
The second diphros corresponds to the couch resting on four legs 
(Fig. 187, b), at first without head and foot-board, which were after- 
wards added at both ends (avaKKivrpov or kTCLKkivrpov). By the 
further addition of a back on one of the long sides, it became what 
we now call a chaise longue or sofa (Fig. 187, c, Figs. 188 — 190). 
This sleeping kline was no doubt essentially the same as that used 
at meals. The materials were, besides the ordinary woods, maple or 
box, either massive or veneered. The legs and backs, and other parts 

a c b 

Fig. 187. 

not covered by the bedclothes, were carefully worked. Sometimes 
the legs are neatly carved or turned, sometimes the frames are 
inlaid with gold, silver, and ivory, as is testified in the " Odyssey " 
and elsewhere. 

The bedding mentioned in Homer did not consist of sumptuous 
bolsters and cushions as in later times. It consisted, even 
amongst the richer classes, first of all of the prjyea, i.e. blankets 
of a long-haired woollen material, or perhaps a kind of mattrass. 
Hides (/cwea), as spread by the poor on the hard floor, were 
sometimes put under the pfjyea and other additional blankets 
(rcnrfjTes), so as to soften the couch. The whole was covered with 
linen sheets. The yXcuvcu served to cover the sleeper, who 
sometimes used his own dress for this purpose ; sometimes they 
consisted of woollen blankets woven for the purpose. After 
Homer's time, when Asiatic luxury had been introduced into 
Greece, a mattrass {Kvi<paXov, rvhelov or tv\}]) was placed 



immediately on the bed-straps (fceipla). It was stuffed with 
plucked wool or feathers, and covered with some linen or woollen 
material. On this mattrass blankets were placed, called by Pollux 
TrepiOTpw/ULCtTa, vTroarpw/JLara, kin^\{]fiaTa y ktyeorplhes, yXcuvai, 
cifjupieGrplhes, kinfioKaia, haTCLtes, yJri\oha7Tihe9, ^vorl'tes y^pvao- 
iraoToi, to which must be added the TaTrrp-es and afj.(j)iTa7rf]Te^ 
with the rough wool on either or both sides. Pillows, like the 
mattrasses stuffed with wool or feathers, were added to complete 
the bedding, at least in more luxurious times. Of a similar 

Fig. 188. 

Fig. 189. 

kind were the klinai placed in the sitting-rooms, lying on which, 
in a half-reclining position, people used to read, write, and take 
their meals. They were covered with soft blankets of gorgeous 
colours, while one or more cushions served to support the body in 
its half-sitting position or to prop the left arm (Fig. 187, c). 
Fig. 187, a shows the folding-bed, Fig. 187, b, the simple kline 
covered with the prjyea. Fig. 187, c 
shows the kline with one upright end on 
which two persons are reclining, one of 
them resting the left arm on a cushion 
covered with a many- coloured material, 
the other leaning with her back against 
two cushions. Much richer is the couch 
in Fig. 188, which has a head and foot- 
board and is covered with mattrasses and pillows ; a long orna- 
mented footstool has been added. Fig. 190, after a marble relief, 
exactly resembles our sofa. Fig. 189 shows a peculiar kind of 
kline, on which a sick person is lying, to whom Asklepios is giving 
advice. Sometimes the drapery is evidently intended to hide the 
roughly carved woodwork, as is shown by the picture of a sympo- 
sion (Fig. 304), to which we shall have to return. 

i 3 8 


33. Tables were used by the ancients chiefly at meals, not for 
reading and writing. The antique tables, either square with four 
legs, or circular or oval with three connected legs, afterwards with 
one leg (-pcnregcu Terpcnroces, rpL77oce?, jiovoTrotes), resemble our 
modern ones but for their being lower. ^lostly their slabs did 
not reach higher than the kline ; higher tables would have been 
inconvenient for the reclining person (see Fig. 187, c). In 
Homeric and even in later times, a small table stood before each 
thronos. The use of separate dishes for each guest is compara- 
tively new. Originally the meat was brought in on large platters, 
divided by the steward, and each portion put on the bare table. 
In want of knives and forks the fingers were used. The pastry 
was put in baskets by the tables. TThether the Homeric tables 
were as low as the later ones, when lving instead of sitting?' had 
become the custom, we must leave undecided in want of sculptural 
evidence. The legs of the tables were carefully finished, particu- 
larly those of the tripods, which frequently imitated the legs of 

Mar. 191. 

animals, or at least had claws at their ends (Fig. 191, a, h. c). 
The four-legged tables were more simple in design, The material 
was wood, particularly maple ; later on, bronze, precious metals, 
and ivoiy were introduced. 

31. For the keeping of articles of dress, valuable utensils, 
ornaments, bottles of ointment, and documents, larger or smaller 
drawers and boxes were used. Chests of drawers and upright 
cupboards with doors seem to have been unknown in earlier 
times ; only in few monuments of later date (for instance, in the 
wall-painting of a shoemaker's workshop at Herculaneum) we see 
something resembling our wardrobe. The wardrobes mentioned 
by Homer ((f)w pianos, ^/Xo?) doubtlessly resemble our old- 
fashioned trunks (Truhe). The surfaces showed ornaments of 



various kinds, either cut from the wood in relief or inlaid with 
precious metals and ivory. Some smaller boxes with inlaid figures 
or painted arabesques are shown in Fig. 192, b, c,f f g, h, all takeri 
from pictures on vases. The ornamentation with polished nails 
seems to have been very much in favour (Fig. 192, c, f, h) — a 
fashion reintroduced in modern times. The most celebrated 
example of such ornamentation was the box of Kypselos, in 
the opisthodomos of the temple of Hera at Olympia. It dates 
probably from the time when the counting by Olympiads was 
introduced, and served, according to Botticher, for the keeping of 
votive tapestry and the like. According to Pausanias, it was 
made of cedar-wood, and elliptic in shape. It was adorned with 
mythological representations, partly carved in wood, partly inlaid 
with gold ivory, and encircling the whole box in five stripes, one 
over the other. Boxes for articles of dress are seldom found in 
old pictures on vases (Fig. 192, a) ; * very frequent are, on the 


f 9 h 

Fig. 192. 

other hand, portable cases for ornaments, spices, &c. (Fig. 192, b, 
d, e,f, g, h). Fig. 192, c contains evidently bottles of ointment. 
Another box, standing before a reading ephebos, and showing the 
inscription "XEIPONEIZ KAAE," evidently contained docu- 
ments (see Micali, " L' Italia avanti il dominio dei Romani," Tav. 
CHI.). The cover was fastened to the box by a ribbon tied in a 
knot. The custom of securing the ends of this ribbon by the im- 
pression of a signet-ring on wet sealing-earth or wax is of later date. 
Locks, keys, and bolts, known at an early period for the closing of 

* The inner surface of a drinking-goolet at the Koyal Museum of Berlin 
(Gerhard, " Trinkschalen und Gefasse," I. Taf. IX.) shows the large "box in which 
Hypsipyle, the princess of Lemnos, has hidden her father Thoas. See also our 
Fig. 231. 



doors, were later applied to boxes, as is sufficiently proved by 
the still-existing small keys fastened to finger-rings (see § 93j, 
which, although all of Roman make, were most likely not un- 
known to the Greeks. For doors these would have been too small. 

35. The furniture of Greek houses was simple, but full of 
artistic beauty. This was particularly displayed in vessels for 
the keeping of both dry and fluid stores, as were found in 
temples, dwellings, and even graves. Only the last mentioned 
have been preserved to us. Earthen vessels are the most 
numerous. The invention of the potter's wheel is of great 
antiquity, and was ascribed by the Greeks in different places to 
different mythical persons. The Corinthians named Hyperbion 
as its inventor. In the Kerameikos, the potters' quarter of Athens, 
Keramos, the son of Dionysos and Ariadne, was worshipped as 
such. The name of the locality itself was derived from this 
"heros eponymos." Next to Corinth and Athens (which latter 
became celebrated for earthen manufactures owing to the excellent 
clay of the promontory of Kolias), JEgina, Lakedaemon, Aulis, 
Tenedos, Samos, and Knidos were famous for their earthenware. 
In these places the manufacture of painted earthenware was 
concentrated ; thence they were exported to the ports of the 
Mediterranean and the Black Sea for the markets of the adjoin- 
ing countries. Owing to the beautiful custom of the ancients of 
leaving in the graves of the dead the utensils of their daily life, a 
great many beautiful vessels have been preserved which otherwise 
would have shared the destruction of the dwellings with other 
much .less fragile implements. From the pictures on these 
vases we derive, moreover, valuable information as to the public 
and private habits of the Greeks. The greatest number of graves 
in their original condition, and filled with vessels, are found in 
Italy. The chief places where pottery has been and is still being- 
found are — in Sicily, Gela and Girgenti (the old Akragas) ; in 
Southern Italy, the necropoles of the Apulian cities of Gnatia 
(Fasano), Lupatia (Altamura), Cselia (Ciglia), Barium (Bari), 
Rubi (Ruvo), Canusium (Canosa) ; in Lucania, the cities of 
Castelluccio, Anxia (Anzi), Psestum, and Eboli ; in the old 
Campania, the cities of Nola, Phlistia (Santa Agata de' Goti), 
Cumse, and Capua ; in Central Italy, the necropoles of the old 
Etruscan cities of Veii (Isola Farnese), Csere, Tarquinii, Yulci, 


4 < 

Clusium (Chiusi), Yolterrse (Yolterra), and Adria. In Greece 
and Asia Minor things are different. The political conditions of 
these countries have prevented their scientific investigation ; some 
of the smaller vessels have been found only at Athens and 
^Egina, some of the larger in Thera, Melos,' and Rhodes. Besides 
these we mention the discoveries in the grave-mounds of the old 
Pantikapaion, the capital of the Bosphoric empire. They consist 
of utensils worked in precious metals or bronze, and numerous 
painted vessels belonging to the later period of pottery, which 
must have been brought by merchants from Attika to this distant 
outpost of antique culture. Of Athenian origin were also the 
celebrated Panathena'ic prize- vases dating from the fourth century 
B.C. which have been found amongst the ruins of the Kyrenaic Pen- 
tapolis. They are amphorae with two handles, and the picture of 
Athene painted on them in an archaic style. In Greece, principally 
in Attika, were un- 
doubtedly the manu- 
factures which sup- 
plied the enormous 
demands of both co- 
lonies and barbaric 
countries. In the style 
of their paintings the 19 °* 

shrewd Attic men of business tried to hit the taste of their bar- 
baric customers, not unlike our present manufacturers. The whole 
trade was thus monopolised by Greece, a competition existing only 
in those places where local manufacturers worked after Greek 

36. The technique of antique pottery may be learnt from two 
gems. The first (Fig. 193) represents an ephebos clad in the 
chiton, sitting in front of a handsome oven, from the top of which 
he takes by means of two sticks a newly glazed two-handled 
vessel. The second illustration also shows the interior of a 
potter's workshop (Fig. 194). A nude potter gives the last 
polish to a finished vessel (most likely with a piece of hard 
leather) ; on a kind of baking oven, closed by a door, stand a 
pitcher and a drinking-bowl for the purpose of drying. Two 
pictures on vases, published by Jahn ("Berichte der kgl. 
sachsischen Gesellschaft der Wissensch.," YL, 1854, hist. phil. 01., 



p. 27 etseg.), show, one of them, a potter similarly occupied as ours 
(Fig. 194) ; the other, a little less finished in style, the whole interior 
of a potter's workshop with wheel and oven. Good (yrj KepafjuTts), 
particularly red, clay, was in demand for superior goods, and of this 
the promontory of Kolias, near Athens, furnished an unlimited 
supply. The potter's wheel (Kepafxeios Tpoyps) was in use at a 
very early period. On it were formed both large and small 
vessels ; with the^ difference, however, that of the former the foot, 
neck, and handles were formed separately, and afterwards attached, 
as was also the case in small vessels with widely curved handles. 
In order to intensify the red colour the vessel was frequently 
glazed and afterwards dried and burnt on the oven. The outlines 
of the figures to be painted on the vase were either cut into the 
red clay and filled up with a brilliant black varnish, or the 
surface itself was covered with the black varnish up to the 
contours, in which case these stood out in the natural red colour of 
the clay. The first mentioned process was the older of the two, 
and greater antiquity is therefore to be assigned to vessels with 
black figures on a red ground. In both kinds of paintings 
draperies or the muscles of nude figures were further indicated by 
the incision of additional lines of the colour of the surface into the 
figures. Other colours, like dark red, violet, or white, which on 
close investigation have been recognised as dissolvable, were put on 
after the second burning of the vessel. 

37. About the historic development of pottery we know 
nothing beyond what may be guessed from the differences of style. 
As we said before, figures of a black or dark-brown colour painted 
on the natural pale red or yellowish colour of the clay indicate 
greater antiquity. The black figures were occasionally painted 
over in white or violet. These vessels are mostly small and 
somewhat compressed in form ; they are surrounded with parallel 
stripes of pictures of animals, plants, fabulous beings, or ara- 
besques (Fig. 195). The drawings show an antiquated stiff type, 
similar to those on the vessels recently discovered at Nineveh and 
Babylon, whence the influence of Oriental on Greek art may be 
inferred. This archaic style, like the strictly hieratic style in 
sculpture, was retained together with a freer treatment at a more 
advanced period. As a first step of development we notice the 
combination of animals and arabesques, at first with half-human, 



half-animal figures, soon followed by compositions belonging 
mostly to a certain limited circle of myths. The treatment 
of figures shows rigidity in the calm, and violence in the active, 
positions. The Doric forms of letters and words on many vases of 
this style, whether found in Greece or Italy, no less than the 
uniformity of their technique, indicate one place of manufacture, 
most likely the Doric Corinth, celebrated for her potteries ; on the 
other hand, the inscriptions in Ionian characters and written in 
the Ionian dialect on vessels; prove their origin in the manu- 
factures of the Ionian Euboea and her colonies.* The pictures on 
these vases, also painted in stripes, extend the mythological 
subject-matter beyond the Trojan cycle to the oldest epical myths, 
each story being represented in its consecutive phases. 

The latter vases form the transition to the second period. 
The shapes now become more varied, graceful, and slender. The 
figures are painted in black, and covered with a brilliant varnish ; 
the technique of the painting, however, does not differ from that of 

Fig. 195. 

the first period. The outlines have been neatly incised and 
covered up with black paint; the details also of draperies and 
single parts of the body are done by incision, and sometimes 
painted over in white or dark red. The principle seems to be that 
of polychrome painting, also applied in sculpture. Single parts of 
the armour, embroideries, and patterns of dresses, hair, and beards 
of men, the manes of animals, &c, are indicated by means of dark 
red lines. This variety of colour was required particularly for the 
draperies, which are stiff and clumsily attached to the body. The 
same stiffness is shown in the treatment of faces and other nude 

* See the excellent preface of Jahn's description of vases in the Eoyal Pinako- 
thek at Munich (p. cxlviii. et seg.), where the different periods of pottery have "been 
characterized. See also Jahn's essay, "Die griechischen hemalten Vasen," in his 
" Populare Aufsatze ausder Alterthumswissenschaft." Bonn, 1868 (p. 307 et scg.). 



parts of tlie body, as also in the rendering of movements. The 
faces are always in profile, the nose and chin pointed and 
protruding, and the lips of the compressed mouth indicated only 
by a line. Shoulders, hips, thighs, and calves bulge out, the bod}^ 
being singularly pinched (Fig. 196). The grouping is equally 
imperfect. The single figures of compositions are loosely con- 
nected by the general idea of the story. They have, as it were, a 
narrative character ; an attempt at truth to nature is, however, 
undeniable. The subjects are taken partly from the twelve-gods 
cycle (like the frequently occurring birth of Athene, Dionysian 
processions, &c.) or from Trojan and Theban myths ; partly also 
from daily life, such as chases, wrestlings, sacrifices, symposia, 
and the like. To this class belong most of those large Pana- 
thenaic prize-vases, which are of such im- 
if^hk portance for our knowledge of gymnastic com- 
^nffia petitions. 

i In our third class the figures appear in the 

'WSilWF natural colour of the surface, which itself has 
ITBIivSr been painted black. The character of the 
m HK J figures in consequence appears gay and lively. 
JPjf Both styles seem at one time to have existed 

■ — * ~ ~ ^ ' — — together, for we find them used severally on two 
sides of one and the same vessel, till at last the 
painting of black figures was disused entirely. The drawings 
now become more individual, and are freed from the fetters of 
conventional tradition — a proof of the free development of both 
political and artistic feelings, even amongst the lower classes of 
artificers. The specimens of the third class show the different 
stages of this process of liberation. At first the figures are still 
somewhat hard, and the drapery, although following the lines of 
the body more freely than previously, shows still traces of archaic 
severity of treatment ; the details, indicated by black lines, are 
still carefully worked out. For smaller folds and muscles, a 
darker shade of the red colour is used ; wreaths and flowers 
appear dark ; red white is used only in few cases — for instance, 
for the hair of an old man. The composition shows greater 
concentration and symmetry in the grouping, according to the 
conditions of the space at disposal. The figures show a solemn 
dignity, with signs, however, of an attempted freer treatment. 



Kramer justly calls this period that of the " severe style," and 
compares it with the well-known " ^Eginetic " style in sculpture. 
The further development of the " severe style " is what Kramer 
calls the " beautiful style," in which grace and beauty of motion 
and drapery, verging on the soft, have taken the place of severe 
dignity. In high art this transition might be compared to that 
from Perugino's school to that of Raphael, or, if we may believe 
the ancient writers, from the school of Polygnotos to that of 
Zeuxis and Parrhasios. 


a d e c 

Fig. 197. 

The form of the vessels themselves next calls for our attention. 
The vases, two-handled amphorai and krateres, found most fre- 
quently during this period are slender and graceful. Together 
with them we meet with beautifully modelled drinking-horns 
(Fig. 201), and heads (Fig. 197, d) or whole figures, used to 
put vessels upon. The variety of forms, and the largeness of 
some vessels, overloaded as they were with figures, soon led 
to want of care in the composition. The moderation character- 
istic of the "beautiful style" was soon relinquished for exagger- 




ated ornamentation, combined with a preference for representing 
sumptuous dresses and the immoderate use of white, yellow, and 
other colours. This led gradually to the decadence of pottery. 
Lucania and Apulia are the places where sumptuous vessels of the 
degenerating style are most frequently found (see Fig. 197, a, b, c). 
The handles of the splendid amphora (Fig. 197, a) are attached to 
the brim, adorned with an ovolo, the handles being in the form of 
volutes the centres of which contain heads of the Grorgon, their 
lower parts end in heads of swans. The neck of the vessel is 
adorned with three stripes of garlands, in the centre of which are 
female heads^-a common feature of this style (see the vase, Fig. 
197, c). The body of the vessel is occupied by pictures from the 
myth of Triptolemos, who himself is discovered in the centre on a 
chariot drawn by dragons. The pictures are in two rows, one above 
the other, a peculiarity frequently found in larger vases of this style. 
Above them we see a double ovolo; beneath them a " meandering" 
ornamentation. The arrangement of the figures in Fig. 197, c, is 
similar. In the centre of the picture is an open building (fre- 
quently met with on vases of this style), round which the figures 
are grouped in two rows, one over the other. The vessel itself 
is an amphora resembling a candelabrum, the excessively slender 
body of which, resting on a weak foot, shows its merely orna- 
mental purpose (compare the picture on a vase in § 60, repre- 
senting the burial of Archemoros). Fig. 197, b, shows Kadmos 
fighting with the dragon : the busts of gods being painted above 
the chief action, as if looking down upon it from heights, are also 
peculiar to this style. 

The subject-matter of these pictures has undergone similar 
changes as the old mythical stories themselves, when looked at 
through the medium of poetry, both lyrical and dramatic. Attic 
myths were treated in preference. The infinitely varied treatment 
proves the popularity of those lyrical and dramatic versions. In 
the decaying style, not only battles of Amazons and Kentaurs, 
and scenes from the Hades, but also the subjects of tragedies, are 
depicted, the situations of the latter being evidently imitated 
from the stage, including even the variegated colours of the 
costumes. The whole impression becomes theatrical in conse- 
quence. Sometimes mythological scenes and characters have been 
caricatured as on the comic stage (see pictures of this land in § 58) . 



The vases of Lucania and Apulia moreover show frequentlv 
representations of Greek burial-rites as modified by the South 
Italian populations. Jahn from this fact concludes the existence 
of local manufactures c. p. ccxxxi,), which is confirmed by the 
inscriptions on the vessels. They belong to a post- Alexandrine 
period, those of the " beautiful style " dating from the time 
between Perikles and Alexander. 

Fig. 198. 

In some Etruscan cities earthenware was manufactured by 
local artists working after Greek patterns. The figures are 
distinguished from genuine Greek work by the contours being 
incised very deeply and filled up with red colour. The clay 
also is coarser. The compositions show an admixture of local 
myths and usages, not to mention Etruscan inscriptions. 

38. Hitherto we have considered the various artistic styles of 

l 2 


vessels. Now we must try to distinguish their names and forms by 
the varieties of their uses. Ancient writers have transmitted to us 
a variety of names for them, which in some cases may be verified 
by inscriptions on individual vessels. The naming, however, of 
many of them is very difficult, and the attempts of Panofka in 
this direction have met with much contradiction amongst archae- 
ologists. Their nomenclature amongst the ancients seems to have 
been much more diversified than is the case at the present day. 
We have collected forty- one of the most striking forms (Fig. 198), 
by means of which the innumerable varieties in our museums may 
be to some extent classified. 

Vessels may be divided, according to their uses, into those 
for storing, mixing, and drawing liquids. Amongst the vessels 
for keeping wine, oil, honey, water, &c, the pithos (ttlOos) 
is the largest. It is made of strong clay, without a foot, 
either pointed or flattened at the bottom. If pointed, the 
pithos, in that case generally a small one, was dug into the 
earth • to keep it upright ; if flat-bottomed, it was larger, and had 
a wide mouth. The cubic measure of the large pithos was equal, 
at least, to our large wine- vats, as is shown by the fact of those 
kept in the rocky cellars of Gallias at Agrigentum holding 
one hundred amphorai of wine each. During the Peloponnesian 
war, the poorer people seeking shelter in Athens lived in pithoi, 
also called iriuaKvai. Of mythological celebrity is the pithos of 
the Danaides in which Eurystheus hid himself ; the tub of 
Diogenes is generally known. Similar to the pithos, but smaller 
and more easily movable, must have been the arcijULyo? (Fig. 198, 
18, called stamnos by both Panofka and Gerhard, and Fig. 198, 
40, described by Panofka as a lekane, by Gerhard as an Apulian 
stamnos) and the /3ikos. Wine, oil, figs, and salt meat were 
preserved in them. About the forms of the wine- vessels called 
vpXV an( l kvtivii we are quite uncertain. Equally uncertain is 
the form of the xahos, a larger vessel, also for wine, unless we 
consider it as belonging to the class of amphorai. The form of 
the amphora (a/uLcfcopevs), a two-handled vessel (6 eKarepwOev Kara 
tcl wra Ivvajievo^ (pepeaOcu) mentioned by Homer, is sufficiently 
known from many representations on vases, bas-reliefs, coins, and 
gems. They are more or less bulky vessels, with necks shorter 
or longer in proportion, but with mouths always of moderate 



size compared to the bulk (Fig. 198, 20-23) ; frequently resting 
on feet, but sometimes (Fig. 198, 22) ending in a flattened point, 
in which case the amphora was either put against a wall or fitted 
into a frame. The variety consists in the form of the handles, 
essentially modified by the size of the vessel, and in the larger or 
smaller opening of the mouth. Amongst the amphorai we count 
the Panathenaic prize-vases, in which the victor received the oil 
from the sacred olive-tree, and which even during the period of the 
"beautiful style" preserved the archaic manner of black figures 
on a red background. Hydria {vcpta) and kalpis (koKitis) 
( Fig. 198, 16 and 17) seem to be different names of one and the 
same kind of bulky, short-necked vessel, the use of which is 
shown by its being carried on their heads, in the pictures on 
vases, by maidens fetching water. Its characteristic is a third 
handle in the centre of the vessel, which prevented its sinking 
in the water, and, at the same time, made the lifting of the filled 
pitcher on the head easier. The diminutive vcplaK)] signifies a 
smaller vessel for the keeping of ointment, formed, most likely, 
in imitation of the hydria. The krossos {Kpwavos, h-pwaos* 
KpwvGLov) was used for keeping water and oil, but also ashes. 
It most likely resembled the hydria, but cannot with certainty 
be recognised in any of the existing vessels. A smaller wine- 
vessel, most likely bulky and long necked, was the Xayvvos. 
Gerhard compares it to the modern Orvieto-bottle. The lagynos. 
surrounded with wicker-work, called (pXaak-lov by Suidas, may 
have been the model of our bottles or flasks. Travellers and 
soldiers in the field used the kusQwv, a bulky flask with a narrow 
neck and a handle, which had the advantage of clearing the 
water from muddy substances, most likely by means of a parti- 
cular clay of which it was made. A similar drinking- flask was 
the bonibylios (fiofifivhios, ^ofi^vXif), the narrow neck of 
which emitted the fluid by single drops only, and in this way 
produced a kind of gurgling sound, like the /3>/cr/oy or ^{jaaa 
used by the Alexandrines. Whether the little flask with 
handles (Fig. 198, 37), called bombylios by Gerhard and 
Panofka, answers to the Greek term we will not venture to 
decide. The XtjkvOoi, mentioned by Homer, served for the 
keeping of ointment ; their form is sufficiently defined both 
by pictures on vases and numerous still-existing specimens 


(Fig. 198, 33). In these the oil was preserved for the rubbing 
of the limbs of wrestlers, or of bathers after their baths ; out of 
them also was poured the sacred oil over the graves of the dead. 
All these vessels show very much the same type. The neck 
was narrow in order to let the oil pass only in single drops, 
by means of which the above-mentioned gurgling sound (Kaiceiv, 
Aaicageiv) was produced. The numerous vessels of this kind 
were chiefly manufactured in Attika ; they were necessary both 
to men and women. About the form of the olpe (oA-th/, oKita, 
oKttis), also used for oil, and peculiar to the Boric tribe, we know 
nothing. According to Athenseus, olpe seems to have been an 
old name of the oinochoe ; hence the notion of the vessels^ 
Fig. 198, 26 and 27, being of the oinochoe kind. The former 
is called by Panofka, olpe, by Gerhard oinochoe ; the latter 
Gerhard calls an olpe approaching the Egyptian style. About 
the form of the alabastron (a\a(3a<TTpov, aAaficiGTov) we are 
better informed. It is a small cylindrical vessel, narrowing a 
little in the neck so as to produce the gradual dripping of the 
perfumed ointment preserved in it. All the specimens preserved 
to us, although varying in size and form, agree in the essential 
points, but for the style of the pictures and the material of which 
the vessels are made. The use of the alabastron is shown in the 
wall-picture of the so-called Aldobrandini wedding (see Fig. 232). 

The generic term for mixing-vessels used at meals and liba- 
tions is krater (Kpar^jp, Kprjrrjp, from KepavvvfJLi)* Its form, greatly 
modified by different ages and tastes, is sufficiently known from 
pictures and existing specimens (Fig. 198, 25 ; compare Fig. 
197, b). It had to hold larger quantities of wine and water (unless 
these were mixed afterwards in the drinking-glasses), and was 
accordingly bulky and broad necked. A handle on each side 
made the krater easily portable when empty. It rested on a 
foot divided into several parts, and on a broad base. Of the 
several divisions of the krater, as the Argolian, Lesbian, Korin- 
thian, Lakonian, we have, no doubt, specimens in our collections^ 
without, however, being able to distinguish them. Hypokreteria, 
i.e. large flat dishes, were placed under the krateres, to receive 
the overflowing liquid. Similar to the krater was the ^vKTtjp, 
a cooling-vessel for wine before it was mixed, Its dimensions 
varied greatly ; in some cases topers emptied a whole ^vKTijp of 


moderate dimensions. According to Pollux, this vessel was also 
called hivos, and rested on a base consisting of dice or knobs, 
instead of a foot. Its shape was somewhat like a pail, and 
resembled the kalathos, the working-basket of Greek women ; 
this name was, indeed, also applied to it. We have in our collec- 
tions several vases resembling this shape, to which, therefore, the 
names of ^vktyjp and hivos may be applied. 

Amongst vessels for drawing liquids we first mention those 
called apvTCLiva, apvGnyo^^ and apvfiaWos, all derived from apvw, 
to scoop. Of the aryballos Athenaeus says, that it expanded 
towards the bottom, and that its neck narrowed like a purse with 
its string tightened, which latter was called by the same name. 
Specimens of it are numerous in our museums (Fig. 198, 34 and 
36). It was also used for the keeping of ointment, and as such 
belonged, like the arytaina or arysane, to the bathing utensils. 
The olvoypr], yom, irpoyov^, and kidyvais served, as their names 
indicate, for the drawing and pouring out of liquids, especially of 
wine. They had one handle, and resembled a jug. Their size 
varied considerably (Fig. 198, 26-31). Their use is sufficiently 
illustrated by pictures. Fig. 199 shows a picture on a vase in 
which the ephebos kneeling to the right is taking wine from the 
krater with the oinochoe, in order to fill the drinking-vessel of 
the other ephebos. The prochous seems to have been used 
chiefly as a water-jug. Accurate accounts of its different 
forms we do not possess. More- 
over, according to Athenseus, 
the terms had been changed. 
What originally was called 
pelike, afterwards received the 
name of choe. The pelike re- 
sembled the Panathenaic vases ; 
and is said to have taken afterwards the form of the oinochoe, as 
used at those festivities. At the time of Athenseus the pelike 
was only a piece of ornament used at festive processions, 
the vessel in common use being called chous, and resembling 
the arytaina. The kotyle (fcorvXrj, kotvXos) was used as a 
measure of both liquid and dry substances, but also for drinking 
purposes. The captive Athenians in the Syrakusian quarries, 
for instance, received one kotyle of water and two kotylai of 

Fie. 199. 


food a clay (see Fig. 198, 4 and 7 ; the former, called by 
Panofka, kotyle, by Gerhard, skyphos ; the latter, by Panofka, 
kotylos, by Gerhard, kotyle). Its form was that of a deep, pot- 
like, two-handled dish, with a short foot. Several small kotylai 
with covers to them were sometimes combined and carried by 
one handle, similar to what we find amongst peasants in Central 
Germany at the present day. Athenseus calls this 
combination a Kepvos (Fig. 200). Its elegant form 
makes its use at table as a kind of cruet-stand 
appear probable. The Kva6o9 was used both for 
drinking and drawing liquids. It resembles our 
drinking-cups but for the handle, which is con- 
siderably higher than the brim of the vessel 
(Fig, 198, 10, 13, 14), in order to prevent the 
dipping of the finger into the liquid on drawing it. It was used 
as a measure at the symposia, before inebriation became the rule, 
when larger vessels were used. 

Amongst drinking- vessels we mention the phiale, the kym- 
bion, and the kylix. The (pLaXrj was a flat saucer without a 
foot (Fig. 198, 1 and 2), the centre of which was raised like the 
boss of a buckler, and called like it o/uL<pa\6s. Smaller phialai 
were used for drinking ; larger ones served at libations and lustra- 
tions and as anathemata in the temples, particularly those 
wrought in precious metals. The kymbion (kv/jl^lop, KVfJL^r]) is 
said to have been a deep, long dish like a boat, without a handle, 
used for drinking or libations ; a specimen we do not possess, as 
far as we know. The kvKl^ is a drinking- cup with two handles, 
resting on an elegantly formed foot (Fig, 198, 8). We meet 
with it frequently in pictures and in museums. The kylix of 
Argos differed from that of Attika by having its brim bent inward 
a little. Whether the so-called Therikleic kylikes had their name 
from the animals painted on them, or from the potter Therikles, 
who was celebrated at Korinth at the time of Aristophanes, we 
must leave undecided. Athenaeus describes these as deep goblets 
with two small handles, and adorned at the upper brim with ivy- 
branches. Fig. 199 shows an ephebos holding in his right hand 
the skyphos (aKixpo?), while a kylix stands on his extended left. 
The former resembles a cup, sometimes with a flat bottom, at 
others resting on a small Doric base (Fig. 198, 6), at others, 



again, ending in a point (Fig. 198, 41). It generally had two 
small horizontal handles just underneath the brim. Originally 
used by peasants (Eumaios, for instance, offers one to Odysseus), 
it afterwards became part of the dinner-service. According to 
different forms, peculiar to different localities, we distinguish 
Boeotian, Rhodian, Syrakusian, and Attic skyphoi. The skyphos 
was generally designated as the drinking- cup of Herakles. The 
Kav6apo9 was a goblet resting on a high foot, and having widely 
curved thin handles : it was peculiar to Dionysos and to the 
actors in the Dionysian thiasos (Fig. 198, 12, compare Fig. 199), and 
appears frequently in their hands in pictures on vases and other 
representations. The old kantharos was larger than that later in 
use, as appears from a passage in Athenseus which says, that the 
modern kantharoi are so small, as if they were meant to be 
swallowed themselves, instead of having the wine drunk out of 
them. As the oldest drinking- vessel the Kapy^{]Giov is mentioned. 
According to Athenasus, it was lengthy in form, with the centre 
of the body slightly bent inward, and two handles reaching to 
the bottom. "Whether it had a foot or a flat base (Fig. 198, 11), 
cannot be decided. Homer mentions a leiras afufiiKViteKkov, i.e. 
double goblet, which, as appears from Aristotle ("Hist. Anim.," 
IX. 40), was also known at a later period. A specimen of it has not 
been preserved, as far as 
is known to us. Being 
mostly wrought in precious 
metals, they were pro- 
bably, at a later period, 
frequently remodelled into 
more fashionable shapes. 

To conclude we men- 
tion the beautifully 
modelled drinking-horns, 
wrought partly in clay, 
partly in metal, and used 
at feasts (h-epa? and pvrov) (see Fig. 201). The horn has been used 
as a drinking-utensil since the oldest times, particularly amongst 
barbarous nations. Both .ZEschylos and Xenophon quote examples 
of this custom. In pictures on vases the Kentauroi and Dionysos 
frequently appear with drinking-horns. The rhyton is an artistic 



development of tHs primitive form. Its end has been modelled 
into the head of an animal, according to the nature of which the 
rhyton has received the surnames of rypv^ (Fig. 201, b), \vkos 
(Fig. 201, c), 6V09, r^fiLovo^ (Fig. 201, e), Kcatpos (Fig. 201, g), 
e\e(f)as, lirxos, ravpos, &c. (compare the picture on a vase in § 56, 
in which one of the topers pours the wine from a panther-rhyton 
('rrap'taXis) into a goblet). The rhyton had to be emptied at one 
draught, and was afterwards placed (probably to be filled again) 
on a stand (inro^/xa, bnT07:v6fi{]v, irepiGKekU). As appears from 
the cited picture, the rhyton had an opening (which most likely 
could be stopped) inside the mouth of the animal, from which the 
wine was poured out> and had to be caught by the drinker in his 
glass. * 

As another means of keeping wine and oil we now mention 
the clgkos, the wine-skin, still in use in the East and in Southern 
Europe, consisting of the hide of an animal sewed and tied 
together. In pictures we often see it on the backs of fauns and 
Sileni, and its form has even been imitated in clay in small vessels 
for wine and oil. Our museums contain several vases of this kind 
(see Levezow, "Gallerie der Vasen," &c, Table IX., ~No. 189). 
Even that common form of handled vessels called by Gerhard 
askos (Fig. 198, 32) may originally have been suggested by the 
wine- skin. 

Of Greek crockery nothing remains, with the exception of a 
few dishes. It was destroyed with the dwelling-houses, and had 
not the advantage of being deposited in the grave- chambers. On 
the other hand, the kitchen utensils of the Homans are fully illus- 
trated by the excavations at Pompeii ; to these we refer the 
reader. The \vrpa no doubt resembled our saucepans with one 
or two handles. Porridge, meat, and vegetables were cooked in 
it, and out of it the first portion was offered to the domestic gods 
and to Zeus Herkaios at every meal, and at the consecration of 
temples and altars. Sometimes the chytra had three feet (see 
Fig. 198, 38), but usually, and particularly if it was oval in shape 
and without feet, it was placed on a kind of tripod {-^vrpoirovs, 
Xaaavov). Homer already mentions large vessels (t pinoles), 
standing on tripods or having three feet, used particularly for 
heating the bathing-water. Identical with the chytra was the 
Ae/3>/9, mostly made of bronze. Both names occur frequently 



amongst the enumerations of temple treasures. They were made 
of bronze, silver, or gold. On a cameo (Panofka, " Bilder antiken 
Lebens," Table XII., No. 5) we see a huge lebes, but without 
the tripod, in which, two boys are cooking a pig, while a third 
one is poking the fire under the vessel. Besides these, we 
possess some dishes in our museums the painting of which with 
fish of various kinds indicates their being used for the preparing 
of these ; whence the name of lyOvai applied to them. 

As a domestic utensil we also mention the bath. In Homer 
baths are mentioned, most likely made of polished stone (cKrajuuvOoi), 
and large enough to hold one person. These 
asaminthoi, however, were soon replaced by 
large scale-like baths (Xovrijpes, Xovr^pca, 
Fig. 202) resting on one or several feet, and 
filled by pipes in the walls, Fig. 202. They 
appear in the pictures of bathing-scenes 
in all kinds of varieties. Larger haths for 
several persons, which were placed in the pub- iooooooooooc^ 
lie or private bathings chambers (j3a\aveia), 9()9 
were called KoXv/m^yjOpa, 7rve\os, and /maicTpa. 
They were either dug into the earth and surrounded with masonry, 
or cut into the living rock. They may have also been built of 

39. "We now have to add a few remarks about vessels made of 
metal, of stones more or less precious, and of glass. All these 
were numerous, both as ornaments and for practical use. The 
names mentioned for earthenware apply in general also to them. 
Instead of paintings, however, we here find plastic ornamentations. 
Amongst stones the fine white alabaster was most frequently used, 
for those delicate little ointment-bottles called by the name of 
alabastron (see p. 150), partly because of the softness of the 
colour of the stone, partly because of its great coldness, which 
tended to keep the ointment fresh. Its use for drinking-cups 
was less frequent. Its sides were with great skill, by means 
of turning, reduced to the thinness of note-paper, as can be 
seen in an alabastron at the Museum of Berlin. For the same 
purposes as the alabaster were also used the onyx and the agate. 
Mithridates YI. Eupator had amongst his treasures two onyx 
vases, which Lucullus brought to Rome as spoil. Only few of 


these precious vessels are preserved at the present day. Amongst 
these we mention the so-called " Mantuan goblet " in the posses- 
sion of the late Duke Charles of Brunswick, formerly owned by 
the Gronzaga family, an ointment-vase of onyx-agate in the 
Miinz- unci Antiken- Cabinet at Vienna, an onyx vase in the Anti- 
quarium of the Royal Museum at Berlin (all these decorated with 
sculptures), and two onyx vases at the museums of Yienna and 
Naples respectively. As the finest specimen of Oriental agate in 
existence we mention a vase in the just -mentioned collection at 
Yienna 28J inches in diameter, including the handle. It was 
brought to Western Europe after the conquest of Constantinople 
by the Crusaders, and came afterwards into the possession of 
Charles the Bold, Duke of Burgundy, whence it was transferred 
to Yienna as part of the dowry of Maria of Burgundy, wife of the 
Emperor Maximilian I. For larger vessels, like the krater or the 
urn, white or coloured marble, porphyry, and also various metals, 
were used, and we still possess numerous vases of this kind 
adorned with beautiful reliefs. Particularly the krater is, accord- 
ing to its destination, frequently adorned with the Dionysian 
attributes, such as Silenus-masks, goblets, musical instruments, 
&c, beautifully grouped together with flower and fruit orna- 
mentations ; the handles and the finely developed foot are in 
perfect harmony. Bronze vessels of this kind are frequently 
mentioned by the ancients. Achilles offers a silver krater 
wrought by Sidonian artists as a prize for runners at a race. 
Croesus made a votive offering to the Delphic oracle of one golden 
and one silver krater, the latter holding 600 amphorai, being a 
work of Theodoros, the Samian bronze-founder ; a bronze krater. 
resting on three colossal kneeling figures, was dedicated by the 
Samians to Hera. Amongst the votive offerings at the Par- 
thenon were numerous goblets of this kind, made both of gold 
and silver. The most celebrated Greek toreutai, like Kalamis, 
Akragas, Mys, Stratonikos, Antipater, Pytheas (who, however, 
according to Pliny, worked only in silver and bronze), cultivated 
this branch of their art, and the vessels from their ateliers were 
sought after, up to the latest period, by the Pomans. With the 
exception of the smaller oil and drinking vessels, these vases 
served only as ornaments in the houses of the rich, as votive 
offerings in temples and graves, as decorations of the gables of 



buildings, and as prizes at the games. The art of making vessels 
of glass seems to have been a later importation from the East, 
particularly from Egypt. At first vessels made of glass (KlOos 
X VT v) were appreciated as much as those of precious metals ; after- 
wards glass bottles and drinking-glasses become more common. 
Still the Greek manufacture of this article never was equal to 
those of Rome and Egypt (compare § 91). 

Amongst domestic utensils we also count articles made of 
basket-work, which frequently occur in antique pictures (see 
Fig. 203). The kalathos (koAclOos, koXclOls, icaKaOLcrKo?), the 
basket for keeping wool (used for weaving and embroidering), 
and also flowers and fruit, is frequently met with in vase-paint- 
ings illustrating the life of Greek women (Fig. 203, a) ; perhaps 
Fig. 203, b, also went by the name of kalathos. As early as 
Homer's time baskets (icaveov), probably round or oval, were used, 
at meals, to keep bread and pastry in. They had a low rim and 
handles (Fig. 203, c). The kaneon was also used at offerings, as 
is proved by Fig. 203, c, where it is filled with pomegranates, 
holy boughs, and ribbons. At the Panathenaia noble Athenian 
maidens carried such baskets, 
filled with holy cakes, incense, 
and knives, on their heads, 
whence the name Kaw]<p6poi ap- 
plied to them. These graceful 
figures were a favourite subject of 
antique sculpture. Both Poly- 
klete and Skopas had done a 
celebrated kanephore — the for- 
mer in bronze, the latter in 
marble. The GTcvpU, chiefly used 
for carrying fish, was also a flat 
basket, similar to that used at the 
present day by fishermen in the 
South. Other baskets used by 
peasants appear frequently in an- 
tique pictures, such as Fig. 203, d, 
in the original carried by a 
peasant on a stick over his shoulder, together with another basket 
of the same pear-like shape ; Fig. 203, f and e, are taken from a 


bas-relief representing a vintage, in which the former appears 
filled with grapes, while the latter is being filled with must 
by a boy. This proves, at the same time, the knowledge 
amongst the Greeks of the art of making the basket-work dense 
enough to hold fluids. The same fact is shown by a passage in 
Homer, in which Polyphemos lets the milk coagulate to cheese 
in baskets (raAapos 7r\eKr6^), which cheese was afterwards placed 
on a hurdle (rapao^), through which the whey trickled slowly. 
Of plaited rushes, or twigs, consisted also a peculiar kind of 
net (k-vpros), a specimen of which is seen on the reverse of a 
medal coined under the Emperor Macrinus, as the emblem of the 
maritime city of Byzantium (see Dumersan, " Descript. d. 
Medailles ant. du Cabinet du feu M. Allier de Haut creche," 
PI. III., No. 8). Baskets, roughly plaited, appear also in the 
vase-painting of the " Weighing out of the Silphion " (Panofka, 
" Bilder antiken Lebens," Taf. XVI., No. 3), where the silphion 
is being carried in them. According to Athenseus, basket-work 
was imitated in precious metals. 

40. To light and heat the rooms, at Homer's time, fire-baskets, 
or fire-basins (Xa/uLTrTijpes), were used, standing on high poles, 
and fed with dry logs of wood or splinters (hahes). The cinders 
were, at intervals, removed by serving-maids, and the flames 
replenished. Such fire-baskets, on poles, are still used by night- 
travellers in Southern Russia, and at nightly 
ceremonies in India. The use of pine-torches 
(hatdwv V7r6 XctjULTrojuevawv) is of equal antiquity. 
They consisted of long, thin sticks of pine- wood, 
tied together with bark, rushes, or papyrus 
(Fig. 204, c). The bark of the vine was also 
used for torches, called Xo0/?. The golden 
statues on pedestals, • in the hall of Alkinoos, 
undoubtedly held such torches in their hands. 
In vase-paintings we also see a different form of the torch, 
carried chiefly by Demeter and Persephone, which consists of 
two pieces of wood fastened crosswise to a staff (Fig. 204, b). 
An imitation of this wooden torch was undoubtedly the torch - 
case, made of clay or metal, in the shape of a salpinx. Their 
surface was either smooth or formed in imitation of the bundles 
of sticks and the bark of the wooden torch, the inside being 




filled with resinous substances. A different kind of torch was 
the phanos (cpavo^, (fiavi'i), which consisted of sticks tied together, 
and perforated with pitch, resin, or wax. They were put into a 
case of metal, which again was let into a kind of dish, 
turned either upwards or downwards (Fig. 204, a). This 
dish {^vTpa) served to receive the cinders or the dripping 
resin. The phanoi were either carried, or, when their 
case was prolonged to a long stem (kclvXos), and had a 
foot (fiaais) added to it, might be put down (Fig. 205), 
and received, in that case, the names of Xa/jLTrTijp or 
Xvxvovxos- The further development of this form was 
the candelabrum, carrying either fire-basins or oil- 
lamps (see the Roman lighting-apparatus, § 92). The 
date of oil-lamps in Greece cannot be stated with 
accuracy : they were known at the time of Aristo- 
phanes. They were made of terra-cotta or metal, and 
their construction resembles those used by the Romans. 
They are mostly closed semi-globes with two openings, one, 
in the centre, to pour the oil in, the other, in the nose- shaped 
prolongation (/jLVKTrjp), destined to receive the wick (dpvaXXls, 
eWvyviov, (pXojjLo^). Amongst the small numbers of Greek 
lamps preserved to us, we have chosen two of the most graceful 
specimens, one of them showing the ordinary form of the lamp 
(Fig. 206), the other that of a kline, 
on which a boy is lying (Fig. 207). 
Both are made of clay, the latter being 
painted in various colours. The Athenians 
also used lanterns (Xvyvov^os) made of 
transparent horn, and lit up with oil-lamps. 
They were carried at night in the streets like 
the torches. Sparks, carefully preserved under 
the ashes, served both Greeks and Romans to light 
the fire. The ancients had, however, a lig-htinof" 
apparatus (Trvpeia), consisting of two pieces of 
wood, of which the one was driven into the other 
((jropevs or kayap )* like a gimlet, the friction effecting a flame. 
According to Theophrast, the wood of nut or chestnut trees was 
generally used for the purpose. 

41. We now come to the dress of the Greeks. We shall 

Tig. 206. 




have to consider those articles of dress used as a protection against 
the weather, and those prescribed by decency or fashion, also the 
coverings of the head and the feet, the arrangement of the hair, 
and the ornaments. Unfortunately, the terminology is, in man}?- 
cases, uncertain. Many points, therefore, must remain undecided. 
Before entering upon details, we must remark that the dress of 
the Greek, compared with modern fashion, was extremely simple 
and natural. Owing to the warmth of the climate and the 
taste of the inhabitants, both superfluous and tight articles of 
dress were dispensed with. Moreover, the body was allowed to 
develop its natural beauty in vigorous exercise ; and in this 
harmony and beauty of the limbs the Greeks prided themselves, 
which, of course, reacted favourably on the character of the 

The two chief divisions of garments are the kvhvjiara, which 
are put on like a shirt, and the impXi) para, or 7rep/3Aiy/x<XTa, re- 
sembling a cloak, loosely thrown over the naked body, or the 
endymata. Weiss (" Kostiimkunde," I., p. 703 et seq.) remarks 
rightly that the original character of Greek dress, consisting 
of the two parts just mentioned, remained essentially the same. 
The later changes apply only to the mode of using these, and to 
their material and ornamental qualities. 

The y^urwv, in its various forms, was used both by men and 
women as their endyma — i.e. the under-garment touching the 
naked body. A second under-garment like a shirt, worn under the 
chiton, seems not to have been in use. The expressions jiovoyjTwv 
and ayjiwv only indicate that in the first case the chiton was 
worn without the himation; in the second, vice versa. The 
chiton was an oblong piece of cloth arranged round the body 
so that the arm was put through a hole in the closed side, the 
two ends of the open side being fastened over the opposite 
shoulder by means of a button or clasp. On this latter side, 
therefore, the chiton was completely open, at least as far as the 
thigh, underneath of which the two ends might be either pinned 
or stitched together. Round the hips the chiton was fastened 
with a ribbon or girdle, and the lower part could be shortened 
as much as required by pulling it through this girdle. A chiton 
of this kind is worn by a soldier in Fig. 208, taken from a 
beautiful relief on an Attic urn representing the leave-taking 



of an Athenian warrior from his wife and child. This sleeveless 
chiton, made of wool, was worn chiefly by the Dorians. The 
Athenians adopted it about the time of Perikles, after having 
worn previously the longer chiton peculiar to the 
lonians of Asia Minor. Frequently sleeves, either 
shorter and covering only the upper arm, or con- 
tinued to the wrist, were added to the chiton, 
which resembled, in consequence (at least, in the 
former case), exactly the chemises worn by women 
at the present day. The chiton, with sleeves 
coming down to the wrist {yirwv yeipihtoros), un- 
doubtedly an invention of the luxurious Asiatic 
Greeks, is worn, for instance, by Skiron (north- 
west wind) and Boreas (north wind), amongst 
the portraitures of the eight chief winds on the 
octagonal tower of the winds at Athens (see 
Fig. 158). The so-called pedagogue amongst Fig-. 208. 
the group of the Mobides also wears this chiton ; 
but the arms of this statue have been restored. The short- 
sleeved chiton is frequently worn by women and children on 
monuments. Of the sleeveless chiton, worn by men over both 
shoulders, as in Fig. 208 (a^LjiaGyjiKoi), it is stated that it was 
the sign of a free citizen. Slaves and artisans are said to have 
worn a chiton with one hole for 
the left arm, the right arm and 
half of the chest remaining quite 
uncovered. The c^w/mi? was an- 
other form of the chiton, worn 
on monuments, chiefly by II c - 
phaistos, Daidalos, and workmen, 
kclt e^o^yjv, as also by fishermen 
and sailors, whose occupations re- 
quired the right arm to be quite Fig. 209. 
unencumbered. A bas-relief (Fig. 209) shows two ship-carpenters 
dressed in the exomis, representing, perhaps, master Argos and 
an assistant, working at the ship Argo, under the supervision of 
Athene. Two charming statuettes of fisher-boys at the British 
Museum and the Museo Borbonico of Naples (Clarac, "Musee," 
Nos. 881, 882), respectively, also illustrate this picturesque costume. 




Identical with this in form is the chiton worn hy Doric 
women. It was simple, short- skirted, and with a slit in the 
upper part at both sides. It was fastened with clasps oyer both 
shoulders, and shortened as far as the knees by means of pulling 
it through the girdle. In this form it is worn by two maidens 
in the Louvre, destined for the service of the Lakonian Artemis 
at Karyse. They carry kinds of baskets (gvlKio) on their heads, 
and are performing the festive dance in honour of the goddess 
(Fig. 210). The exomis, as described above, is worn by the 
female statue in the Yatican known as the " Springing Amazon" 


Fig. 211. 

Fig. 212. 

(Miiller's " Denkraaler," I. No. 138, a), and also by statues of 
Artemis, and representations of that goddess on gems and coins. 
The long chiton for women reaching down to the feet, and only 
a little pulled up at the girdle, we shall see in a vase-painting 
(§ 57, Fig. 310) representing dancing youths and maidens, the 
former wearing the short, the latter the long, chiton. A develop- 
ment of the long chiton is the double-chiton. It was a very large, 
oblong piece of woven cloth, left open on one side, like the Doric 
chiton for men. It was equal to about one and a half lengths 
of the body. The overhanging part of the cloth was folded 
round the chest and back, from the neck downwards, the upper 


edge being arranged round the neck, and the two open corners 
clasped together on one shoulder. On this open side, therefore, 
the naked body was visible (Fig. 211). Over the other shoulder 
the upper edge of the chiton was also fastened with a clasp, the 
arm being put through the opening left between this clasp and 
the corresponding corner of the cloth. 

In the same way was arranged the half-open chiton, the open 
side of which; from the girdle to the lower hem, was sewed up. A 
bronze statuette (Fig. 212) illustrates this way of putting it on. 
A young girl is about to join together on her left shoulder the 
chiton, which is fastened over the right shoulder by means of an 
agraffe. It appears clearly that the whole chiton consists of one 
piece. Together with the open and half-open kinds of the chiton, 
we . also find the closed double- 
chiton (yjrrihv iroti) pvjs) flowing 
down to the feet. It was a piece 
of cloth considerably longer than 
the human body, and closed on both 
sides, inside of which the person 
putting it on stood as in a cylinder 
As in the chiton of the second form, 
the overhanging part of the cloth 
was turned outward, and the folded 
rim pulled up as far as the 
shoidders, across which (first on 
the right, and after it on the left 
side) the front and back parts were 
fastened together by means of clasps, 
the arms being put through the two 
openings effected in this manner. 
Round the hips the chiton was 
fastened by means of a girdle 
(^wvlov, arp6(pLov), through which 
the bottom part of the dress trailing 
along the ground was pulled up just far enough to let the 
toes be visible. Above the girdle the chiton was arranged in 
shorter or longer picturesque folds (ko\7tos). Most likely the 
overhanging part of the chiton, which we shall meet with again 
as an independent garment, was called by the Greeks hiirXots or 

m 2 

Fig. 213. 


hnrXdffiiov. "We liave illustrated the chiton by two representations 
from the best period of Greek art. Fig. 213 shows a running 
female figure, the arms and feet of which have unfortunately been 
destroyed. The original is ten inches high. She seems to 
implore the help of the gods against a 
ferocious animal, the claws of which have 
already caught her floating garment.* 
Chiton and diplois are arranged most 
gracefully, and the violent motion of the 
body has been softened by a certain quiet 
treatment of the drapery. Fig. 214, on the 
other hand, shows one of the sublime 
female forms carrying the roof of the 
southern portico of the Erechtheion (com- 
pare Fig. 38). The attitude of the kane- 
phore is quiet and dignified. Kolpos and 
diplois are gracefully arranged in sym- 
metrical folds. In spite of the calm attitude 
required by the architectural character of 
the figure, the artist has managed to con- 
vey the idea of motion by means of the 
left leg being slightly bent, and the 
straight folds of the chiton modified in 
consequence. The chief alterations of vary- 
ing fashion applied to the arrangement of 
the diploidion, which reached either to the 
part under the bosom or was prolonged 
as far as the hips ; its front and back 
parts might either be clasped together 
across the shoulders, or the two rims might 
be pulled across the upper arm as far as 
Fig. 214. ^ ne elbow, and fastened in several places 

by means of buttons or agraffes, so that 
the naked arm became visible in the intervals, by means of 
which the sleeveless chiton received the appearance of one 

* On the back part of the garment the paw of a large animal is distinctly 
visible ; for which reason we have adopted the above explanation in preference 
to that of her being a Bacchante, against which opinion moreover the modest dress 
and the absence of orgiastic emblems seem to speak. 



Fig. 215. 

with sleeves (Fig. 219). Where the diploidion was detached 
from the chiton, it formed a kind of handsome cape; which, 
however, in its shape, strictly resembled the diploidion proper. 
This cape was most likely called by the 
Greeks afATieyoviov. Its shape was consider- 
ably modified by fashion, taking sometimes 
the form of a close-fitting jacket, at others 
(when the sides remained open) that of a 
kind of shawl, the ends of which sometimes 
equalled in length the chiton itself (Fig. 215). 
In the latter case, the ampechonion was 
naturally at least three times as long as it- 
was wide. In antique pictures women 
sometimes wear a second shorter chiton over 
the yvrwv Troupe?. A great many varieties 
of dress, more distinguishable in the vase- 
paintings representing realistic scenes than 
in the ideal costumes of sculptural types, we 
must omit, particularly as, in most cases, they may be reduced to 
the described general principles. 

42. From the ivhvfmta we now pass to the e7n/3At//xaTa or 
7rep£j8\^/xara, i.e. articles of dress of the nature of cloaks. They 
also show throughout an oblong 
form, differing in this essentially 
from the Roman toga. The 
IfiaTiov? belonging to this class, 
was arranged so that the one 
corner was thrown over the left 
shoulder in front, so as to be 
attached to the body by means of 
the left arm. On the back the 
dress was pulled toward the right 
side so as to cover it completely 
up to the right shoulder, or, at least, 

to the armpit, in which latter case the right shoulder remained 
uncovered. Finally, the himation was again thrown over the left 
shoulder, so that the ends fell over the back. Figs. 216 and 217, 
taken from vase-paintings, show two male figures completely 
enveloped in the himation accordin 

<r to the fashion of the time 


(Ivtos T\]v yeipa eyeiv). Both, men and women wore the himation 
in a similar manner (see Fig. 218, taken from a terra-cotta at 
Athens). The complete covering, even of 
the face, in this last figure indicates a 
chastely veiled Athenian lady walking in 
the street, or, according to Stackelberg, a 

A second way of arranging the himation, 
which left the right arm free, was more 
picturesque, and is therefore usually found 
in pictures (see, for instance, Fig. 219). The 
first-mentioned himation, however, was com- 
monly given by the artist to figures meant 
to express noble dignity. The truth of 
these statements will be recognised in look- 
ing, for instance, at the statue of the 
bearded Dionysos in the Vatican enveloped 
in the himation according to strictest usage. 
In the beautiful statues of Asklepios at 
Florence and in the Louvre, the left side 
and the lower part of the body are covered 
by the himation, which is also the case in 
the figure of the enthroned Zeus in the 
Museo Pio Clementino, where one corner 
of the garment rests on the left shoulder, and falls in beautiful 
folds over the lap of the figure. The arrange- 
ment of the himation worn by women was 
equally graceful, as appears from the pictures, 
without, however, being subjected to a strict 
rule, as in the case of men. Perhaps the costume 
of the maidens carrying hydriai on the frieze 
of the Parthenon may be considered as the 
common type. The picturesque arrangement 
of the himation could undoubtedly be acquired 
only by long practice. In order to preserve 
the folds and prevent the dress from slipping 
from the shoulders, the Greeks used to sew small 
Fig. 219. weights into the corners. 
Different from the himation was the much smaller and oblong 

risr. 2i8. 



Tpiflwv, or rpifiwviov, worn amongst the Doric tribes by epheboi 
and grown-up men, while boys up to the twelfth year were 
restricted to the use of the chiton. At Athens also, the inclination 
towards the severe Doric customs made this 
garment common. Up to the time of the 
Peloponnesian war the dress of the Athenian 
boy consisted of the chiton only. On attaining 
the age of the ephebos he was dressed in the 
"XKafjLvs, introduced into Attika from Thessaly 
or Makedonia. The chlamys also was an oblong 
piece of cloth thrown over the left shoulder, the 
open ends being fastened across the right shoulder 
by means of a clasp ; the corners hanging down 
were, as in the himation, kept straight by means 
of weights sewed into them. The chlamys was 
principally used by travellers and soldiers. Fig. 
220, representing the statue of Phokion in the 
Museo Pio Clementino, illustrates this handsome 
garment. Hermes, Kastor, Polydeukes, the 

wandering Odysseus, soldiers, and horsemen (for r 

instance, the epheboi on horseback on the frieze Fig. 220. 
of the Parthenon) generally wear the chlamys. 

Concerning the materials of the described garments, we have 
mentioned before that linen was used principally by the Ionian s, 
wool by the Dorians ; the latter material in the course of time 
became the rule for male garments all over Greece. The change 
of seasons naturally required a corresponding modification in the 
thickness of these woollen garments ; accordingly we notice the 
difference between summer and winter dresses. For women's 
dresses, besides sheep's wool and linen, byssos, most likely a kind 
of cotton, was commonly used. Something like the byssos, but 
much finer, was the material of which the celebrated transparent 
dresses were woven in the isle of Amorgos. They were called 
djdopyiva, and consisted of the fibre of a fine sort of flax, 
undoubtedly resembling our muslins and cambrics. The intro- 
duction of silk into Greece is of later date, while in Asia it was 
known at a very early period. From the interior of Asia the 
silk was imported into Greece, partly in its raw state, partly 
worked into dresses. Ready-made dresses of this kind were 


called Grjpiica to distinguish them from the fiojifivKiva, i.e. dresses 
made in Greece of the imported raw silk (/jLera^a, fiara^a). The 
isle of Kos was the first seat of silk manufacture, where silk 
dresses were produced rivalling in transparency the above-men- 
tioned a/uLopyiva. These diaphanous dresses, clinging close to the 
body, and allowing the colour of the skin and the veins to be 
seen (eifxara hacjyav-fj), have been frequently imitated with astonish- 
ing skill by Greek sculptors and painters. "We only remind the 
reader of the beautifully modelled folds of the chiton covering 
the upper part of the body of JNiobe's youngest daughter, in a 
kneeling position, who seeks shelter in the lap of her mother ; in 
painting, several wall-pictures of Pompeii may be cited. 

The antiquated notion of White having been the universal 
colour of Greek garments, a coloured dress being considered 
immodest, has been refuted by Becker (" Charikles," III. p. 194). 
It is, however, likely that, with the cloak-like epiblemata, 
white was the usual colour, as is still the case amongst Oriental 
nations much exposed to the sun. Brown cloaks are, however, 
by no means unusual ; neither were they amongst Greek men. 
Party-coloured Oriental garments were also used, at least by 
the wealthy Greek classes, both for male and female dresses, 
while white still remained the favourite colour with modest Greek 
women. This is proved, not to mention written evidence, by a 
number of small painted statuettes of burnt clay, as also by 
several pictures on lekythoi from Attic graves. The original colours 
of the dresses, although (particularly the reds) slightly altered 
by the burning process, may still be distinctly recognised. In 
Fig. 320, from a vase-painting, the female form on the left wears 
a chiton of saffron-yellow hue (KpoKwra), perhaps in imitation of 
the colour of the byssos, and a violet peplos, the chiton of the 
woman on the right being golden brown. Men also appear in 
these pictures with the cherry-coloured chlamys and the red 
himation ; while Charon wears the dark exomis usual amongst 
fishermen (see Stackelberg, " Graber der Hellenen," Tafs. 43-45). 
These dresses, both with regard to shape and colour, are un- 
doubtedly taken from models of daily life. 

The dresses were frequently adorned with inwoven patterns, or 
attached borders and embroideries. From Babylon and Phrygia, 
the ancient seats of the weaving and embroidering arts, these 



crafts spread over the occidental world, the name " Phrygiones," 
used in Eome at a later period for artists of this kind, reminding 
of this origin. As we learn from the monuments, the simplest 
border, either woven or sewed to the dresses, consisted of one or 
more dark stripes, either parallel with the seams of the chiton, 
himation, and ampechonion (see Figs. 215-217, 219, 221), or 
running down to the hem of the chiton from the girdle at the 
sides or from the throat in front. The vertical ornaments called 
pafihoi or Trapvcjyal correspond to 
the "Roman clavus. Besides these 
ornaments in stripes, we also meet 
with others broader and more 
complicated ; whether woven into, 
or sewed on, the dress seems doubt- 
ful. They cover the chiton from 
the hem upwards to the knee, and 
above the girdle up to the neck, as 
is seen in the chiton worn by the 
spring goddess Opora, in a vase- 
painting (" Collection des Vases 
gr. de M. Lamberg," PI. 65). The 
whole chiton is sometimes covered 
with star or dice patterns, parti- 
cularly on vases of the archaic 
style. The vase-painters of the 
decaying period chiefly represent 
Phrygian dresses with gold 
fringes and sumptuous embroi- 
deries of palmetto and " meander- 
ing " patterns, such as were worn 
by the luxurious South- Italian 
Greeks. Such a sumptuous dress is worn by Medea (Fig. 221) in a 
picture of the death of Talos on an Apulian amphora in the J atta 
collection at Ruvo. In the same picture the chitones of Kastor 
and Polydeukes, and those of the Argonautai, are covered with 
palmetto embroideries, the edges at the bottom showing mythological 
scenes on a dark ground. We also call to mind the rich peploi 
offered at high festivals to adorn the holy images, and also of the 
himation, fifteen yards long and richly ornamented, which was 



offered by the Sybarite Alkirnenes to the Lakinian Hera in her 
temple near Kroton, and afterwards sold to the Carthaginians for 
120 talents by the elder Dionysios. Plastic art in its noble 
simplicity has disdained to imitate these ornaments, which it 
introduces only in rare cases to adorn certain parts of the dress. 
The upper garment of a statue of Artemis in the Museo 
Borbonico, at Naples, shows a border imitating embroidery ; and 
the archaic statue of Pallas in the museum of Dresden wears a 
peplos, imitated from the celebrated Panathena'ic peplos, covered 
with scenes from the gigantomachy (see Miiller, " Denkmaler der 
alten Kunst," I. Taf. X., Nos. 36, 38). 

43. In the cities Greeks walked mostly bareheaded, owing 
most likely to the more plentiful hair of southern nations, which, 
moreover, was cultivated by the Greeks with particular care. 
Travellers, hunters, and such artificers as were particularly 
exposed to the sun, used light coverings for their heads. The 
different forms of these may be classified as kvvy] and mAos. The 
k'vvfj was a cap made of the skins of dogs, weasels, or cows ; its 
farther development was the helmet, to which we shall have to 
return. In Homer already we read of a peasant with a cap of 
goat's skin (kvpcij al^elif), most likely of the shape of a semi- 
globe, and fastened under the chin with straps. In a vase- 
painting in the Berlin Museum, representing the interior of 
a foundery, the workman poking the fire wears this cap as a 
protection against the heat (Pig. 222, a). The shape of the m\o? 
was conical, either without a shade, like the kvvP/ (see Fig. 208), 
or with a small brim. It was made of felt. Sailors, merchants, 
and several gods and demigods may be recognised by it, par- 
ticularly Charon, Odysseus and his companions, and Hephaistos 
the artificer ; also Kadmos, the Dioskuroi (for instance, on 
Spartan coins), and the Amazons, in several vase-paintings. 
Tydeus also wears the pilos in a vase-painting (Fig. 222, b), and 
the cap worn by a shepherd blowing the double-pipe (Fig. 222, c) 
may lay claim to the same appellation (compare Fig. 208). It 
resembles in form the cap worn by South -Italian shepherds at the 
present day. Nearly related to the pilos is the well-known 
Phrygian cap, but for the top, which is turned over in front. The 
latter, now worn by Greek and Italian fishermen, was, in old 
times, used by the barbarous nations of Asia, which may be 



racognised by it. Paris, Ganymede (Fig. 222, d), Anchises, 
Olynrpos, Atys, Mithras, and the Amazons are frequently repre- 
sented with it, also barbarous warriors on Roman monuments of the 
imperial period. An interesting combination of head- coverings, 
with a flattened pilos amongst them, appears in a large vase- 
painting (Millin, " Galerie Mythologique/' PI. CXXXV.) repre- 
senting a battle between Greeks and Amazons with their Scythian 
allies, perhaps an imitation of the battle of the Amazons repre- 
sented by Phidias on the shield of Athene Parthenos. Similar to 
the Phrygian is another cap worn by Amazons and noble 
Asiatics. It consists of wool or leather, and resembles a helmet. 
The top is only a little turned down in front, the back part being 
prolonged by means of a flap (Fig. 222, e, compare Fig. 212). 

a b g c i 

It appears in paintings on the heads of Asiatic men and women, 
sometimes in the quaintest shapes (see Fig. 221). It is generally 
called jiirpa, although this word seems to imply the covering of 
the head with a scarf. Such a turban-like covering of the 
forehead, cheeks, and neck, with only the point of the Asiatic cap 
protruding from it, is worn, for instance, by the Persians in the 
Pompeian mosaic called the Battle of Alexander. The Oriental 
turban is undoubtedly a remnant of this costume. The third 
form of the hat is the Treraaos, originally worn in Makedonia and 
Thessaly, and introduced into Greece together with the chlamys 
worn by epheboi. It resembled our wideawakes, but for the very 
small headpiece, and was fastened to the head by means of straps, 
which, at the same time, prevented it from slipping when thrown 



over the back (Fig. 222,/), in the same way that the medieval 
biretta was worn occasionally. This petasos is worn by the 
epheboi on horseback on the frieze of the Parthenon (Fig. 222, h), 
and also by Kastor (Fig. 222, g) and Hermes in vase-paintings. 
The latter god may be recognised by a winged petasos peculiar to 
him (Fig. 222, i). What name must be assigned to a hat 
resembling a plate, which appears on coins of the Thessalian city 
of Krannon (Hus. Hunter., Tab. 21, No. XYIL), and of the 
Thrakian city of Ainos (Mus. de Hauteroche, PI. III., No. 3), 
remains doubtful ; it may be the h-avala worn by the Mace- 

44. The hair is considered in Homer as one of the greatest 
signs of male beauty amongst the long-haired (KapiiKO/jLoivvres) 
Achaioi; no less were the well-arranged locks of maidens and 
women praised by the tragic poets. Amongst the Spartans it 
became a sacred custom, derived from the laws of Lykurgos, to let 
the hair of the boy grow as soon as he reached the age of the 
ephebos, while up to that time it was cut short. This custom 
prevailed amongst the Spartans up to their being overpowered by 
the Achaic federation. Altogether the Dorian character did not 
admit of much attention being paid to the arrangement of the 
hair. Only on solemn occasions, for instance on the eve of the 
battle of Thermopylae, the Spartans arranged their hair with 
particular care. At Athens, about the time of the Persian wars, 
men used to wear their hair long, tied on the top of the head in a 
knot (KpwfivXos), which was fastened by a hair-pin in the form of 
a cicada. Of this custom, however, the monuments offer no 
example. Only in the pictures of two Pankratiastai, on a monu- 
ment dating most likely from Roman times (" Mus. Pio Clement." 
vol. iv. p. 36), we discover an analogy to this old Attic custom. 
After the Persian war, when the dress and manners of the 
lonians had undergone a change, it became the custom to cut off 
the long hair of the boys on their attaining the age of epheboi, 
and devote it as an offering to a god, for instance, to the Delphic 
Apollo or some local river-god. Attic citizens, however, by 
no means wore their hair cropped short, like their slaves, but 
used to let it grow according to their own taste or the common 
fashion. Only dandies, as, for instance, Alkibiades, let their hair 
fall down to their shoulders in long locks. Philosophers also 



occasionally attempted to revive old customs by wearing their 
hair long. 

The beard was carefully attended to by the Greeks. The 
barber's shop (icovpeiov), with its talkative inmate, was not only 
frequented by those requiring the services of the barber (icovpevs) 
in cutting the hair, shaving, cutting the nails and corns, and 
tearing out small hairs, but it was also, as Plutarch says, a 
symposion without wine, where political and local news were 
discussed. Alkiphron depicts a Grreek barber in the following 

words (III. 66) : "You see how the d d barber in yon street 

has treated me ; the talker, who puts up the Brundisian looking- 
glass, and makes his knives to clash harmoniously. I went to him 
to be shaved ; he received me politely, put me in a high chair, 
enveloped me in a clean towel, and stroked the razor gently down 
my cheek, so as to remove the thick hair. But this was a 
malicious trick of his. He did it partly, not all over the chin ; some 
places he left rough, others he made smooth without my noticing 
it." After the time of Alexander the Great, a barber's business 
became lucrative owing to the custom of wearing a full beard 
(irwfywv fiaOvs or caavs) being abandoned, notwithstanding the 
remonstrances of several states.* In works of art, particularly in 
portrait statues, the beard is always treated as an individual 
characteristic. It is mostly arranged in graceful locks, and covers 
the chin, lips, and cheeks, without a separation being made be- 
tween whiskers and moustache. Only in archaic renderings the 
wedge-like beard is combed in long wavy lines, and the whiskers 
are strictly parted from the moustache. As an example we quote 
the nobly formed head of Zeus crowned with the stephane in the 
Talleyrand collection. The usual colour of the hair being dark, 
fair hair was considered a great beauty. Homer gives yellow 
locks to Menelaos, Achilles, and Meleagros, and Euripides 
describes Menelaos and Dionysos as fair-haired (%av6o?ci 

fioOTph~)(OlGlV eVKOGfAOS KOfll]v). 

45. The head-dress of women was in simple taste. Hats were 
not worn, as a rule, because, at least in Athens, the appearance of 
women in the public street was considered improper, and therefore 

* According to tradition, many Makedonians were killed by the Persians taking- 
hold of their long beards, and pulling them to the ground. Alexander, in conse- 
quence, had his troops shaved during the battle. 


happened only on exceptional occasions. On journeys women 
wore a light broad-brimmed petasos (see p. 171) as a protection 
from the sun. With a Thessalian hat (OeaaaXU kwyj) of this 
kind Ismene appears in " (Edipus in Kolonos." The head-dress 
of Athenian ladies at home and in the street consisted, beyond 

Fig. 223. 

the customary veil, chiefly of different contrivances for holding 
together their plentiful hair. We mentioned before, that the 
himation was sometimes pulled over the back of the head like a 
veil. But at a very early period Greek women wore real shorter 



or longer veils, called Kpifceiivov, KaXvirrpa, or KaXv/mfia, which 
covered the face up to the eyes, and fell over the neck and back 
in large folds, so as to cover, if necessary, the whole upper part 
of the body. The care bestowed on the hair was naturally still 
greater amongst women than amongst men. Fig. 223 shows a 
number of terra-cotta heads of Athenian women published by 
Stackelberg. These, and the numerous heads represented in 
sculptures and gems, give an idea of the exquisite taste of these 
head-dresses. At the same time, it must be confessed that most 
modern fashions, even the ugly ones, have their models, if not in 
Greek, at least in Roman antiquity. The combing of the hair 
over the back in wavy lines was undoubtedly much in favour. 
A simple ribbon tied round the head, in that case, connected the 
front with the back hair. This arrangement we meet with in the 
maidens of the Parthenon frieze and in a bust of Mobe (Miiller, 
" Denkmaler," I., Taf. XXXIV., c). On older monuments, for 
instance, in the group of the Graces on the triangular altar in the 
Louvre, the front hair is arranged in small ringlets, while the 
back hair partly falls smoothly over the neck, and partly is made 
into long curls hanging down to the shoulders. It was also not 
unusual to comb back the front hair over the temples and ears, 
and tie it, together with the back hair, into a graceful knot 
(fcopvfjLftoi, Fig. 223, e, c). Here, also, the above-mentioned 
ribbon was used. It consisted of a stripe of cloth or leather, 
frequently adorned, where it rested on the forehead, with a plaque 
of metal formed like a frontal, and called arecftavrj (Fig. 223, 
a). This stephane appears on monuments mostly in the hair of 
goddesses ; the ribbon belonging to it, in that case, takes the form 
of a broad metal circle destined no more to hold together, but to 
decorate the hair. This is the case in a bust of Here in the Villa 
Ludovisi, in the statue of the same goddess in the Vatican, and 
in a statue of Aphrodite found at Capua (Miiller, " Denkmaler," II. 
Taf. IV., JSTos. 54, 56, 268). Besides this another ornamented 
tie of cloth or leather was used by the Greeks, broad in the 
centre and growing narrower towards both ends. It was called 
a(f)euh6vi], owing to its similarity to the sling. It was either put 
with its broader side on the front of the head, the ends, with 
ribbons tied to them, being covered by the thick back hair, or vice 
versa ; in which latter case the ends were tied on the forehead in 



an elaborate knot. The latter form was called oTnaOoatyevbovii- 
The arXeyyls resembles the sphendone. The net, and after it the 
kerchief, were developed from the simple ribbon, in the same 
manner as straps on the feet gradually became boots. The 
different kinds of nets may collectively be called KeKpv<pa\oi. The 
kekryphalos proper consists of a net-like combination of ribbon 
and gold thread, thrown over the back hair to prevent it from 
dropping. The large tetradrachmai of Syrakuse, bearing the 
signature of the engraver Kimon, show a beautiful head of 
Arethusa adorned with the kekryphalos. More frequent is the 
coif -like kekryphalos covering the whole hair, or only the back 
hair, and tied into a knot at the top ((jattKos) (see Fig. 223, b, i, 
Fig. 229, and the group of women to the right in Fig. 232). 
The modifications of the sakkos, and the way of its being tied, 
are chiefly illustrated by vase-paintings. Related to the sakkos is 
the /uiLTpa, at first only a ribbon, but gradually developed into the 
broad frontlet and the kerchief. The front of the head might, 
besides these coifs, be adorned with a stephane, as is shown by 
Fig. 223, i, and by the statue of Elpis in the Museo Pio 
Clementino (IV., Taf. 8), which shows the sphendone and stephane 
on the front and back parts of the head respectively. At the 
present day the Greek women of Thessaly and the isle of Chios 
wear a head-dress exactly resembling the antique sakkos (see 
v. Stackelberg, " Trachten und Gebrauche der Neugriechen/' 
Part L, Tafs. XIII., XIX.). The acquaintance of the Greeks 
with the curling-iron and cosmetic mysteries, such as oil and 
pomatum, can be proved both by written evidence and pic- 
tures (see Fig. 223, b, d). It quite tallied with the aasthetical 
notions of the Greeks to shorten the forehead by dropping the 
hair over it, many examples of which, in pictures of both men and 
women, are preserved to us. 

46. Gloves (yeiplhes), worn by the enervated Persians, were 
not usual amongst the Greeks. At home, nay even in the streets, 
Greeks often walked with naked feet, and, like modern Orientals, 
took off their shoes on entering their own or a stranger's house. 
Homer states how a man on leaving the house ties the splendid 
soles (TreciKa) to his feet, which custom was continued for a long 
time. In a bas-relief representing the visit of Dionysos to Ikarios 
(Miiller, " Denkmaler," II., Taf. L., No. 624), a Panisk bares 



the feet of the god previous to his lying down to dinner. "We 
know a great many varieties of shoes from the monuments, and 
we are, on the other hand, told of a number of terms by ancient 
writers. But to apply the ones to the others will be in most 
cases impossible. Three chief forms may, however, be recog- 
nised ; which, according to our modern nomenclature, may be 
denominated the sole, the shoe, and the boot. Our word sole, 
whether fastened to the foot with one simple or with several straps 
intertwined, may be rendered by virohifia. The simple sole 
might be fastened by a strap (gvyos) right across the instep, or 
by two straps issuing from its two sides, and tied or buckled 
together on the instep (see Fig. 224, 1, representing the foot of 
the statue of Hlpis, in the Yatican). Whether this arrangement 

Fig. 224. 

is identical with a kind of sandal called pKavr-rj must remain 
undecided. By the addition to the sole of several intertwined 
straps the aavlaXov is formed, worn originally by women, but 
also by men, as is sufficiently proved by the monuments. In 
the sandal a strap was sewed on the sole one to two inches from 
the tip, and pulled through the big and first toes (sometimes 
combined with a second strap between the third and little toes) ; 
to it were added two or four other laces, fastened by twos to 
the edges of the sole, and held together by a fibula in the form 
of a heart on the centre-point of the foot, where the straps 
crossed each other. The whole intertwined system of straps 
terminated above the ankles. Fig. 224, 2, shows a female 
foot with the simple, Fig. 224, 3, the foot of Apollo of Belvidere, 


i 7 8 


with, the compound, sandal. Above the latter the fibula, in the 
form of a heart, is shown separately. Instructive is also the 
sandal worn by Dirke in the group called the " Farnesian Bull." 
The net-like entanglement of the straps, together with the 
leather laces of the compound sandal, gives it the appearance 
of a broken high shoe, as it appears, for instance, on the coins 
of the Thessalian city of Larissa, commemorating the one-shoed 
(/jLovoaav'taKos) Jason. The sole itself, being mostly made of 
several layers of cow's hide, appears very thick in sculptures, 
making the otherwise graceful sandal look rather heavy. 

By the addition of a closed heel, and of larger or smaller 
side-pieces sewed to the sole of the shoe, our second class was 
formed, perhaps identical with the ancients' icoiXa vTrohrjfxara^ 
The sides of the shoe were tied with straps to the foot and 
ankle, leaving the toes and the upper part of the foot 
uncovered. The different forms of the shoe are illustrated by 
Fig. 224, 4, 5, 7 — No. 5 being taken from the statue in the 
Vatican of a youth tying his shoe, formerly called Jason, 
at present Hermes. In No. 7, taken from the statue of 
Demosthenes in the Vatican, the juncture of the heel and 
side-pieces is covered by a dropping piece of the lace. The 
closed shoe, tied across the foot, we find in many statues of 
both men and women (Fig. 224, 6). 

We now have to mention the boots (e^oo/x/Se?) — our third 
class. They were made of leather or felt, closely attaching to the 
foot, and reaching up to the calf. They were open in front 
and tied together with laces. To Diana a light hunting- boot 
is peculiar, resembling the mocassins of the Indians (Fig. 224, 8). 
The same kind of boots are worn by the so-called pedagogue 
amongst the group of the Mobides. A fringe of cloth generally 
surrounded the upper rim of the boot. We have purposely limited 
ourselves in our remarks almost entirely to monumental evi- 
dence, the explanation of many expressions in ancient writers, as, 
for instance, of e/x/3a9 and icp^m?, being throughout conjectural. 

47. We conclude our remarks about dress with the descrip- 
tion of some ornaments the specimens of which in Greek graves 
and in sculptural imitations are numerous. In Homer the 
wooers try to gain the favour of Penelope with golden breast- 
pins, agraffes, earrings, and chains. Hephaistos is, in the same 



work, mentioned as the artificer of beautiful rings and hair-pins. 
The same ornaments we meet with again at a later period as 
important articles of female dress. Many preserved specimens 
show the great skill of Greek goldsmiths. Hair-pins, in our 
sense, and combs for parting and holding up the hair were 
unknown to the Greeks. The double or simple comb of Greek 
ladies (kt€Ls), made of box- wood, ivory, or metal, was used only 
for combing the hair. The back hair was prevented from drop- 
ping by means of long hair-pins, the heads of which frequently 
consisted of a graceful piece of sculpture (see Fig. 226, a, a gold 
pin found in a grave at Pantikapaion adorned with a hart's head) . 
Well known are the hair-pins adorned with a golden cicada 
which, in Solon's time, were used by both Athenian men and 
women for the fastening of the krobylos. 

It was the custom of the Greeks to adorn their heads on 
festive occasions with wreaths and garlands. Thus adorned 
the bridegroom led home the bride. Flowers full of symbolic 
meaning were offered on the altars of the gods, and the topers 
at carousals were crowned with wreaths of myrtle, roses, and 
violets, the latter being the favourite flower with the Athenians. 
The flower-market (al jjivpplvai) of Athens Was always supplied 
with garlands to twine round the head and the upper part of the 
body ; for the latter also was adorned with garlands (virodvjJLL'te^, 
v7ro6vfJLiaces). Crowns consisting of other flowers, and leaves of 
the ivy and silver-poplar, are frequently mentioned. Wreaths 
also found a place in the serious business of life. They were 
awarded to the victors in the games ; the archon wore a myrtle- 
wreath as the sign of his dignity, as did also the orator while 
speaking to the people from the tribune. The crowning with 
flowers was a high honour to Athenian citizens — awarded, for 
instance, to Perikles, but refused to Miltiades. The head and 
bier of the dead were also crowned with fresh wreaths of myrtle 
and ivy (see- Fig. 318 — a vase-painting representing the adorning 
of the dead Archemoros). The luxury of later times changed the 
wreaths of flowers, for golden ones, with regard to the dead of the 
richer classes. Wreaths made of thin gold have repeatedly been 
found in graves. The barrows of the old Pantikapaion have 
yielded several beautiful wreaths of ivy and ears of corn (Ouvarofi', 
" Antiquites du Bosphore Cimmerien," PI. IV.) ; a gold imitation 




of a crown of myrtle has been found in a grave in Ithaka 
(Stackelberg, " Graber der Grieehen," Taf. 72). Other specimens 
from Greek and Roman graves are preserved in our museums. 
A golden crown of Greek workmanship, found at Armento, a 
village of the Basilicata (at present in Munich), is particularly 
remarkable (Fig. 225). A twig of oak forms the ground, from 
amongst the thin golden leaves of which spring forth asters with 
chalices of blue enamel, convolvulus, narcissus, ivy, roses, and 
myrtle, gracefully intertwined. On the upper bend of the crown 

Tig. 225. 

is the image of a winged goddess, from the head of which, 
amongst pieces of grass, rises the slender stalk of a rose. Four 
naked male genii and two draped female ones, floating over the 
flowers, point towards the goddess, who stands on a pedestal 
bearing this inscription : — 


Earrings (evwria, eWofiia, eAt/rra/pes) were, in Greece, only 
worn by women ; while amongst the Persians, Lydians, and 



Babylonians they were common to both, sexes. Their form varies 
from simple rings to elaborate, tasteful pendants. Fig. 226, b, 
shows a pendant, found in Ithaka, in the shape of a siren, holding 
a double pipe in her hand. Fig. 226, /, shows an earring trimmed 
with garnets, found in the same place, with the head of a lion 
at one end, and that of a snake at the other. Fig. 226, c, is an 

Fig. 226. 

ornament, found near Pantikapaion, in the form of two clubs 
hanging on an earring of Syrian garnet. Fig. 226, d, shows a 
pendant, found in the same neighbourhood, resembling those now 
in use. Numerous other illustrations are supplied by vase- 
paintings, coins, and gems ; while works of sculpture reproduce 
ornaments only in rare cases. 

Necklaces (izepilepaia^ opfioi), bracelets for the upper and 
under arm (-^-eXia o<jms), and rings worn round the leg, above 
the ankle {iracav^pvGai TrepiaKehlces, Trepiatpvpia), are frequently met 
with on monuments.* Neck-ornaments either consisted of rings 
joined into a chain, or of one single massive ring, spiral in form, 
and made of bronze or precious metals, the latter being worn 

* A statue of Aphrodite in the Glyptothek of Munich wears a broad ring round 
the upper arm. 



principally by barbarous nations.* Fig. 226, e, shows a aTpenro^ 
irepiavyevios of this kind, undoubtedly of Greek workmanship, 
with figures of couching lions at each end. It has been found 
in a grave near Pantikapaion. Armlets and anklets are mostly 
of the form of snakes, whence their name octets. 

It was an old custom, and the sign of a freeman, to wear rings 
on the fingers, used both as signets and as mere ornaments. With 
the signet (<T(j)payl?) documents or property were marked. Solon 
made the forging of a seal a capital crime. About the age of the 
use of gems amongst the Greeks little is known : they most 
likely belong to a period after Homer, instruments sufficiently 
hard to cut them being wanting previously. The beginnings of 
the art of engraving amongst the Assyrians, Egyptians, and 
Etruscans are of much earlier date. The common use of the signet 
soon caused the artistic treatment of the gem. The setting 
(afavbovrj), on the contrary, was most simple, at least in most of 
the rings preserved to us. On the other hand, the technique of the 
Greeks in cutting and polishing the stone has not been equalled 
even by the great skill of the celebrated engravers of the Cinque- 
cento and the eighteenth century. 

The stones chosen were such as did not resist the drill too 
much, and allowed of a smooth line of incision. A further requisite 
consisted in the stone being either of pure colour, or in its facili- 
tating the varied representation of whole figures or parts of the 
body and dress by means of patches, veins, or layers (zones) of 
various colours. The stones used most frequently were the 
carnelian, sardonyx, chalcedony, agate, onyx, jasper, and 
heliotrope, more rarely the nephrite, turquoise, and rock-crystal, 
the silvery magnet-ironstone, the amethyst, green quartz, and 
precious serpentine. Of jewels proper only few were used, like 
the ruby, genuine sapphire and emerald, the green beryl, the 
felspath-opal, and the blueish genuine aquamarine. Topaz, 
hyacinth, Syrian and Indian garnets, and chrysophrase (the latter 
being introduced into Greece after the time of Alexander) were 
used equally. The ancients also knew how to imitate jewels in 
coloured glass, particularly the emerald in coloured crystal. 
These paste copies were, according to Pliny, a most lucrative 
article of counterfeiting industry. They were the result of the 
* A torque is seen, for instance, round the neck of the dying gladiator. 



desire of the middle classes for rich ornaments, and are frequently 
found in our museums. The accuracy and finish of the minutest 
details justify us in supposing that the ancients knew all the 
utensils of the trade, e.g. the wheel, the diamond point, diamond 
dust, and even magnifying- glasses, which latter are generally 
claimed as an invention of modern times. The figures were either 
incised into the gem, which in that case was used as a signet, 
or they were formed out of the different layers of certain stones 
like onyx and sardonyx, in relief. In the former case they are 
called gems (avay\v(pa, gemmce sculptce, exsculptce, intaglio), in 
the latter cameos (e/nruTra, gemmce ccelatce). The latter, only 
used as ornaments, might, when small, be set in rings ; when of 
larger dimensions, they were used to adorn agraffes, girdles, 
necklaces, and weapons, or they were let into the surfaces of vases 
and precious goblets. The finest cameos and gems were made in 
Alexander's time, who was not only painted by Apelles and 
sculptured by Lysippos, but also had his portrait cut in a jewel 
by Pyrgoteles. The passion for gems amongst all classes of both 
Greeks and Romans is proved by the great number of them of 
more or less good workmanship found in graves. Fig. 226, g, h, 
shows two elastic gold rings trimmed with garnets, found in a grave 
in Ithaka. Their form resembles the above-mentioned opheis. 

Fig. 226, i, shows an ornamented girdle, also found in a grave 
in Ithaka. It is made of gold, and is held together by means of 
a gold clasp richly ornamented with hyacinthine stones. On it 
hang two Silenus-masks, to each of which are attached three little 
gold chains adorned with garnets (compare the girdle of the 
marble statue of Euterpe in the Museo Bor- 
bonico, XL, Taf. 59). 

Greek, particularly Athenian, women 
carried a sunshade {vKialeiov), or employed 
slaves to hold it over them. In the Panathenaic 
procession even the daughters of metoikoi 
had to perform this service (trKKihijcpopeLv). 
Such sunshades, which, like our own, could 
be shut by means of wires, we often see Fig. 227. 

depicted on vases and Etruscan mirrors (Fig. 227, a). This form 
was undoubtedly the most common one. The cap-like sunshade 
painted on a skyphos, which a Silenus, instead of a servant, holds 


over a dignified lady walking in front of him, is undoubtedly 
intended as a parody, perhaps copied from the scene of a comedy 
(Gerhard, " Trinkschalen," II. 27). In vase-paintings we also see 
frequently the leaf-like painted fan (GKeiraGjjLa) in the hand of 
women (Fig. 227, b c). 

Of the secrets of Greek toilette we will only disclose the fact 
that ladies knew the use of paint. The white they used 
consisted of white-lead (-^rijjLvOiov) ; their reds were made either 
of red minium (/u'Xto?) or of the root of the ay^ovaa. This 
unwholesome fashion of painting was even extended to the eye- 
brows, for which black colour was used, made either of pulverised 
antimony ((jtI /jljju, gtI/jl/jlis) or of fine soot (aapoXrj). 

The mirrors (evoirrpov, Karoirrpov) of the Greeks consisted 
of circular pieces of polished bronze, either without a handle 
or with one richly adorned.* Frequently 
a cover, for the reflecting surface, was added. 
The Etruscan custom (see § 97) of engrav- 
ing figures on the back of the mirror or the 
cover seems to have been rare amongst the 
Greeks, to judge, at least, from the numerous 
specimens of mirrors found in Greek graves. 
Characteristic of these are, on the other hand, 
the tasteful handles, representing mostly 
Aphrodite, as in a manner the ideal of a 
beautifully adorned woman (see Fig. 228). 
These hand-mirrors frequently occur in 
vase-paintings, particularly in those contain- 
ing bathing utensils (see Fig. 231). 
The carrying of a stick (paKTtipla, or GKrj-KTpov) seems to have 
been a common custom. It is mostly of great length, with a 
crutched handle ; young Athenian dandies may have used 
shorter walking-sticks (see Fig. 217). The first-mentioned 
sticks seem to have been used principally for leaning upon in 
standing still, as is indicated by frequent representations in 
pictures. Different from this stick was the GK}]i^Tpov proper, a 
staff adorned with a knob or a flower, which, as early as Homer, 
was the attribute of gods, and of rulers descended from the gods. 

* Compare the collection of ornamented Etruscan mirror -handles in Gerhard's 
"Etmskische Spiegel," PI. XXIV. et seq. 



In regal families the sceptre was a valued heirloom. The sceptre 
serving as the emblem of judicial power (paficos) was a little 
shorter ; it was also used by ambassadors, and a herald had to 
present it to the orator on his rising to address the council. In 
sculptures we frequently see the sceptre as the attribute of 
divinities, for instance, on the triangular altar in the Louvre. 
Our modern commander's staff is a modification of it. 

48. The life of married women, maidens, children while in the 
care of women, and of female slaves, passed in the gynaikonitis, 
from which they issued only on rare occasions. The family 
life of Greek women widely differed from our Christian idea ; 
neither did it resemble the life in an Oriental harem, to 
which it was far superior. The idea of the family was held 
up by both law and custom, and although concubinage and 
the intercourse with hetairai was suffered, nay favoured, by the 
State, still such impure elements never intruded on domestic 
relations. Our following remarks refer, of course, only to the 
better classes, the struggle for existence by the poor being nearly 
the same in all ages. In the seclusion of the gynaikonitis the 
maiden grew up in comparative ignorance. The care bestowed on 
domestic duties and on her dress was the only interest of her mono- 
tonous existence. Intellectual intercourse with the other sex was 
wanting entirely. Even where maidens appeared in public at reli- 
gious ceremonies, they acted separately from the youths. An inter- 
course of this kind, at any rate, could not have a lasting influence 
on their culture. Even marriage did not change this state of things. 
The maiden only passed from the gynaikonitis of her father into 
that of her husband. In the latter, however, she was the absolute 
ruler, the olKoleairoLva of her limited sphere. She did not share 
the intellectual life of her husband — one of the fundamental 
conditions of our family life. It is true that the husband watched 
over her honour with jealousy, assisted by the gynaikonomoi, 
sometimes even by means of lock and key. It is also true 
that common custom protected a well-behaved woman against 
offence ; still her position was only that of the mother of the 
family. Indeed, her duties and achievements were hardly 
considered, by the husband, in a much higher light than those 
of a faithful domestic slave. In prehistoric times the position 
of women seems to have been, upon the whole, a more 



dignified one. Still, even then, their duties were essentially 
limited to the house, as is proved, for instance, by the words 
in which Telemachos bids his mother mind her spindle and loom, 
instead of interfering with the debates of men. As the State 
became more developed, it took up the whole attention of the 
man, and still more separated him from his wife. Happy 
marriages, of course, were by no means impossible ; still, as a 
rule, the opinion prevailed of the woman being by nature inferior 
to the man, and holding the position of a minor with regard to 
civic rights. This principle has, indeed, been repeatedly pro- 
nounced by ancient philosophers and lawgivers. Our remarks 
hitherto referred chiefly to the Ionic- Attic tribe, renowned for 
the modesty of its women and maidens. The Doric principle, 
expressed in the constitution of Sparta, gave, on the contrary, 
full liberty to maidens to show themselves in public, and to steel 
their strength by bodily exercise. This liberty, however, was 
not the result of a philosophic idea of the equality of the two 
sexes, but was founded on the desire of producing strong children 
by means of strengthening the body of the female. 

The chief occupation of women, beyond the preparing of the 
meals, consisted in spinning and weaving. In Homer we see the 
wives of the nobles occupied in this way ; and the custom of 
the women making the necessary articles of dress continued 
to prevail even when the luxury of later times, together with 
the degeneracy of the women themselves, had made the esta- 
blishment of workshops and places of manufacture for this 
purpose necessary. Antique art has frequently treated these 
domestic occupations. The Attic divinities, Athene Ergane and 
Aphrodite Urania, as well as the Argive Here, Ilithyia the 
protecting goddess of child-bearing, Persephone, and Artemis, 
all these plastic art represents as goddesses of fate, weaving 
the thread of life, and, at the same time, protecting female 
endeavours ; in which twofold quality they have the emblem of 
domestic activity, the distaff, as their attribute. Only few 
representations of spinning goddesses now remain ; but many are 
the pictures of mortal spinning-maidens painted on vases, chiefly 
for female use. Fig, 229 is one of them. It shows a woman 
winding the raw wool from a kalathos round the distaff. For 
the spinning, a spindle was used, as is still the case in places 



where the northern spinning-wheel has not supplanted the antique 
custom. Homer describes noble ladies handling the distaff 
(rjXaKarr], coins) with the spindle (arpciK- 
T09, fusas) belonging to it. Helen 
received a present of a golden spindle, 
with a silver basket to keep the thread 
in. The distaff, with a bundle of wool 
or flax fastened to its point, was held 
under the left arm, while the thumb and 
first finger of the right hand, slightly 
wetted, spun the thread, at the end of 
which hung the spindle, made of metal. 
The web (/fA«j<TTt/jo) was, from the spindle, 
wound round a reel, to be further pre- 
pared on the loom. 

Akin to spinning are the arts of weaving (v(pavriKrj) and 
embroidering {ttoikiKtucy}). We frequently see in vase-paintings 
women with embroidering- frames in their laps. 
The skill of Greek ladies in embroidery is suffi- 
ciently proved by the tasteful embroidered 
patterns and borders on Greek dresses, both of 
men and women. The vase-paintings supply 
many examples. Fig. 230, after a vase-painting, 
shows a woman occupied with embroidering at 
a frame which she holds on her knees. 

We know, from Homer, that next to 
spinning, weaving was one of the chief female 
occupations. Even at that period the art must have been 
highly developed, as we conclude from the description of 
Penelope's work. In historic times the weaving of both 
male and female articles of dress was the business of women ; 
in some places we even hear of corporations of women being 
bound by law to weave the festive garments of certain holy 
images. The Attic maidens were obliged to weave a peplos 
for the statue of Athene Parthenos at the return (every four 
years) of the Panathenaia. Into this were woven the portraits 
of men worthy of this high honour (a^ioi rod nreriKov). These 
peploi, therefore, served, as it were, as an illustrated chronicle 
of Athens. Sixteen matrons were bound to weave a peplos for 


the statue of Here at Olympia. The same duty devolved on the 
noble maidens of Argos with regard to a statue of Artemis. 
Spartan ladies had to renew the chiton of the old statue of 
the Amiklaic Apollo every year. Unfortunately, we have no 
pictures illustrating the weaving process itself. Our information, 
therefore, is but scanty. Originally weaving was done by means 
of a frame placed perpendicularly (opOios laros), over which the 
long or chain threads (ari]fXLov, stamen) were pulled in parallel 
lines downwards, the bottom ends being made into bunches, and 
having weights (wyvvQes) attached to them; the woof (icpoKrf, 
i(pv(f)r], subtemen) was drawn through them with a needle, in a 
horizontal direction. The improved horizontal loom, invented 
by the Egyptians, more resembled that at present in use (see 
Marquardt's "Handbuch der romischen Alterthiimer," Y., 2, 

Fig. 231. 

p. 130 'et seq.). Ovid's description (Metam. YL, 53 et seq.) ought 
to be read in connection with it. 

The pretty vase-painting, Fig. 231, refers to this branch of 
female occupation. Two maidens, in richly embroidered dresses, 
are occupied in folding a garment with a star-pattern embroidered 
on it, perhaps part of the dowry of a third maiden, standing to 
the right of them. Other garments are either hung up on the 
wall (together with the inevitable hand-mirror) or lie piled up 
on a chair between the two girls. The large press on the left 
most likely also contains garments. In case we wish to give 
mythologic significance to the picture, we may take it as an 
illustration of Nausikaa bidding two servants to prepare the 
garments that are to be taken to the washing-place (compare the 



picture of Nausikaa and two servants drying garments in 
Panofka's "Bilder antiken Lebens," PL XVIIL, 5). 

Our remarks about female duties in preparing the meal must 
be short. The heavy parts of the duty, like grinding the corn 
in hand-mills, were performed by servants. In the palace of 
Odysseus twelve female slaves were employed all day in grinding 
wheat and barley in an equal number of hand-mills, to supply 
the numerous guests. The hand-mill (juvKfj, yeipofivKif) consisted 
(like those still used in some Greek islands) of two stones, each 
about two feet in diameter, the upper one of which was made to 
rotate by means of a crooked handle, so as to crush the corn 
poured through an opening in it (compare the Poman hand-mills 
found at Pompeii, § 101). Baking and roasting meat on the spit 
were amongst the duties of female slaves. In every house of 
even moderate wealth, several of these were kept as cooks, 
chambermaids, and companions of the ladies on their walks, it 
being deemed improper for them to leave the house unaccom- 
panied by several slaves. How far ladies took immediate part 
in the preparing of dainty dishes we cannot say. In later times 
it became customary to buy or hire male slaves as cooks. 

Antique representations of women bathing, adorning them- 
selves, playing, and dancing are numerous. The Athenian 
maiden, unlike her Spartan sister, did not think it proper to 
publicly exhibit her bodily skill and beauty in a short chitou, 
but taking a bath seems to have been amongst her every-day 
habits, as is shown by the numerous bathing scenes on vases. In 
one of them, a slave pours the contents of a hydria over her 
nude mistress. Cowering on the floor in another we see an 
undressed woman catching in her hand the water- spout issuing 
from a mask of Pan in the wall into a bath. An alabastron and comb 
are lying on the floor (see Panofka "Bilder antiken Lebens," 
PL XYIIL, 10, 11). A picture on an amphora in the museum of 
Berlin offers a most interesting view of the interior of a Greek 
bath- chamber. We see a bathing establishment built in the 
Doric style. By a row of columns the inner space is divided 
into two bath- chambers, each for two women. The water is most 
likely carried by pressure to the tops of the hollow columns, the 
communication amongst which is effected by means of pipes 
about six feet from the ground. The openings of the taps are 


formed into neatly modelled heads of boars, lions, and panthers, 
from the mouths of which a fine rain spray is thrown on the 
bathers. Their hair has been tightly arranged into plaits. The 
above-mentioned pipes were evidently used for hanging up the 
towels ; perhaps they were even filled with hot water to warm the 
bathing linen. Whether our picture represents a public or 
private bath seems doubtful. The dressing after the bath has 
also been frequently depicted. We need not enter upon the 
subject here, having mentioned the chief utensils, as the comb, 
ointment-bottle, mirror, &c, on a former occasion. The scenes 
thus depicted are undoubtedly borrowed from daily life, although 
Aphrodite, with her attendance of Cupids and Graces, has taken 
the place of mortal women. For music, games, and dances, we 
refer to 52 et seq. Here we mention only a game at ball, which 
was played in a dancing measure, and therefore considered as a 
practice of graceful movements. Homer mentions Nausikaa as a 
skilled player of this game. It is remarkable that wherever 
women playing at ball appear in pictures they are represented 
in a sitting posture. 

The swing (alwpa) was essentially a female amusement. In 
commemoration of the fate of Erigone, daughter of Ikarios, a 
festival had been ordained at Athens at which the maidens 
indulged in the joys of the swing. Illustrations of this pastime 
occur frequently on vases, free from any mythological symbolism, 
even in cases where Eros is made to move the swing (see Panofka, 
" Griechinnen und Griechen nach Antiken," p. 6, and the same 
author's "Bilder antiken Lebens," PI. XYIIL, 2). 

49. We now come to the point in the maiden's life when she 
is to preside over her own household as the legitimate mate 
of her husband (/ya/xeT*/, in Homer Kovpili^ akoyos). In 
most cases a Greek marriage was a matter of convenience, a 
man considering it his duty to provide for the legitimate con- 
tinuation of his family (TrailoTToieiGOai^viioLm). The Doric tribe 
does not attempt to disguise this principle in its plain-spoken 
laws; the rest of Greece acknowledged it but in silence, owing 
to a more refined conception of the moral significance of marriage. 
The seclusion of female life, indeed, made the question of personal 
charms appear of secondary importance. Equality of birth and 
wealth were the chief considerations. The choice of the Athenian 


citizen {acros) was limited to Athenian maidens {aarij) ; only 
in that case were the children entitled to full birthright 
(yvrjaioi), the issue of a marriage of an Athenian man or maiden 
with a stranger i^kw] or %kvos) being considered illegitimate 
(vodol) by the law. Such a marriage was, indeed, nothing but a 
form of concubinage. The laws referring to this point were, how- 
ever, frequently evaded. At the solemn'betrothal (lyyvycris), always 
preceding the actual marriage, the dowry of the bride (irpoit;, 
(f)epurj) was settled ; her position as a married woman greatly 
depended upon its value. Frequently the daughter of poor, 
deserving citizens were presented with a dowry by the State or 
by a number of citizens. In Homer's time the bridegroom wooed 
the bride with rich gifts ; Iphidamas, for instance, offers a 
hundred heifers and a thousand goats as a nuptial present. But 
afterwards this was entirely reversed, the father of the bride 
having to provide the dowry, consisting partly in cash, partly in 
clothes, jewellery, and slaves. In case of separation the dowry 
had, in most cases, to be returned to the wife's parents. The most 
appropriate age for contracting a marriage, Plato in his Republic 
fixes, for girls, at twenty, for men, at thirty. There was, 
however, no rule to this effect. Parents were naturally anxious 
to dispose of their daughters as early as possible, without taking 
objection to the advanced years of the wooer, as is tersely pointed 
out by Aristophanes (Lysist., 591 et seq.). 

The actual marriage ceremony, or leading home, was preceded 
by offerings to Zeus Teleios, Hera Teleia, Artemis Eukleia, and 
other deities protecting marriage (6eol <ya/i//Atoi). The bridal 
bath (Kovrpov vvficfiiKov) was the second ceremony, which both 
bride and bridegroom had to go through previous to their union. 
In Athens the water for this bath was, since the earliest times, 
taken from the well Kallirrhoe, called after its enclosure by 
Peisistratos, Enneakrunos. Whether a boy or a girl acted as 
water-carrier on this occasion (kovrpcxpopos) is differently 
stated by ancient authors. The latter supposition is supported, 
amongst other things, by an archaic picture on a hydria (Gerhard, 
" Auserlesene griechische Yasenbilder," III., 306). To the left of 
the spectator lies, as the inscription indicates, the holy fountain 
Kallirrhoe, flowing from the head of a lion under a Doric super- 
structure. A girl, holding in her hand branches of laurel and 



myrtle, as used at lustrations, looks musingly down on the 
hydria which is filling with the bridal water. Five other maidens 
occupy the remaining space of the picture. Some of them, with 
empty pitchers on their heads, seem to wait for their turn ; others 
are about to go home with their filled pitchers. Gerhard's opinion 
of their forming a sacred procession is contradicted by the evidence 
of ancient writers. As most weddings took place in the month 
of marriage (yajjLffKiov), the meeting of several bridal water- 
carriers was, in a populous city like Athens, anything but 
unlikely ; and a scene of this kind is evidently the subject of our 

On the wedding-day, towards dark, after the meal at her 
parental home (Oolv^yajULiic}]) was over,* the bride left the festively 
adorned house, and was conducted by the bridegroom in a chariot 
(e<p a/za£^e) to his dwelling. She sat between the bridegroom 
and the best man {Trapavvixfios, izapoyos) chosen from amongst his 
relatives or intimate friends. Accompanied by the sounds of the 
hymenseos, and the festive sounds of flutes and friendly acclamations 
from all passers-by, the procession moved slowly towards the bride- 
groom's house, also adorned with wreaths of foliage. The mother 
of the bride walked behind the chariot, with the wedding torches, 
kindled at the parental hearth, according to custom immemorial. 
At the door of the bridegroom his mother was awaiting the young 
couple with burning torches in her hand. In case no wedding 
meal had been served at the bride's house, the company now sat 
down to it. To prognosticate the desired fertility of the union, 
cakes of sesame (7re/x/xara) were distributed. The same symbolic 
meaning attached to the quince, which, according to Solon's law, 
the bride had to eat. After the meal the couple retired to the 
thalamos, where for the first time the bride unveiled herself to her 
husband. Before the door of the bridal chamber epithalamia 
were sung, a charming specimen of which we possess in the bridal 
hymn of Helena by Theokritos. On the two first days after the 
wedding (eTtavkia and cnravXia) wedding-presents were received 
by the pair. Not till after these days did the bride appear without 
her veil. 

Antique art has frequently illustrated the various customs of 
the marriage feast. A series of archaic vase-paintings (Gferhard, 
* At this meal, contrary to the usual custom, women were present. 

"Auserlesene griechische 
Yasenbilder," III. PL 
310 et seq.) show bigce 
and qmdrigce containing 
the bridegroom with the 
veiled bride, followed by 
the paranymphos, and 
surrounded by female 
relatives and friends, 
who carry the dowry in 
baskets on their heads. 
Hermes, the divine com- 
panion and herald, pre- 
cedes the procession, 
looking back on it. An- 
other vase-painting ft 
(Panofka, " Bilcler anti- 
ken Lebens," PI. XL 3) 
shows the crowned bride- j - 
groom on foot leading 
the veiled bride to his j 
house, at the entrance of j 
which stands the nym- j 
pheutria with burning ! 
torches waiting for the j 
procession. A youth j 
preceding the couple ac- 
companies the hymenaios 
on a kithara ; the bride's j 
mother, recognisable by j 
her matron-like dress, j 
with a torch in her hand, j 
closes the procession. 
The most remarkable of 
all wedding scenes is the 
glorious wall - painting 
known as the " Aldo- 
brandini Wedding " 
(Fig. 232). It is 4 feet 
high by long. It 
represents three dif- 



ferent scenes painted on one surface, without regard to perspective, 
as is frequently the case in antique bas-reliefs. The straight 
line of the wall in the background is broken by two pillars, 
by means of which the artist undoubtedly intended to open 
a view into two different parts of the gynaikonitis, while the 
third scene is meant to take place in front of the house. The 
picture illustrates three different scenes of the marriage ceremony 
such as might take place inside or in front of the bride's house 
before the starting of the bridal procession. From this point of 
view we must first consider the centre picture. In a chamber of 
the gynaikonitis we see the bride* chastely veiled and reclining 
on a beautiful couch. Peitho, the goddess of persuasion, sits by 
her side, as appears from the crown on her head, and from the 
many-folded peplos falling over her back. She pleads the bride- 
groom's cause, and seems to encourage the timorous maiden. A 
third female figure to the left of the group, leaning on a piece of 
column, seems to expect the girl's surrender, for she is pouring 
ointment from an alabastron into a vase made of shell, so as to 
have it ready for use after the bridal bath. Her peplos, only held 
by the shoulder- clasp, leaves the upper part of her body almost 
uncovered. Most likely she represents the second handmaiden of 
Aphrodite, Charis, who, according to the myth, bathed and 
anointed her mistress with ambrosial oil in the holy grove at 
Paphos. The pillar at the back of Charis indicates the partition- 
wall between this chamber and the one next to it on the left, 
to which we now must turn. We here see a large basin filled 
with water, standing on a columnar base. The water is perhaps 
that of the well Kallirrhoe, fetched by the young girl stand- 
ing close by for the Xovrpov vvfifyiKov. The girl seems to 
look inquiringly at a matronly figure approaching the basin on 
the other side, and putting her finger into the water as if to 
examine it. Her sublime form and priestly dress, together with 
the leaf-shaped instrument in her hand (probably the instrument 
used at lustrations), seem to betray her as Here Teleia, the pro- 
tecting goddess of marriage, in the act of examining and blessing 
the bridal bath. The meaning of the third figure in the background 
holding a large tablet is difficult to explain. Botticher (" Die 
uldobrandinische Hochzeit," p. 106) believes that on the tablet is 
* Compare the statuette, Fig. 218. 



written the horoscope of the impending marriage. The third 
scene, to the right of the spectator, is placed at the entrance of 
the bride's house. The bridegroom, crowned with vine-branches, 
is sitting on the threshold, as if listening impatiently for the close 
of the ceremony inside the house. In front of him we see a group 
of three girls, one of whom seems to be offering at a portable 
altar, while the two others begin the hyrnenaeos to the accompani- 
ment of the kithara. 

Very different from the social position of chaste women was 
that of the hetairai. We are not speaking of the lowest class of 
unfortunates, worshipping Aphrodite Pandemos, but of those 
women who, owing to their beauty and grace of conversation, 
exerted great influence even over superior men. We only remind 
the reader of Aspasia. In the graces of society the hetairai were 
naturally superior to respectable women, owing to their free 
intercourse with men. For the hetairai did not shun the light of 
day, and were not restrained by the law. Only the house of the 
married man was closed to them. 

50. Before passing from private to public life, we must cast 
a glance at the early education of the child by the mother. We 
begin with the earliest days of infancy. After the first bath the 
new-born child was put into swaddling-clothes ((jTrapyava), a 
custom not permitted by the rougher habits of Sparta. On the 
fifth or seventh day the infant had to go through the ceremony of 
purification ; the midwife, holding him in her arms, walked several 
times round the burning altar. The day was called in conse- 
quence hpojULLa/uLipLov rjjiap, the ceremony itself, ajjuptopo/jua (the run 
round) . A festive meal on this day was given to the family, the 
doors being decorated with an olive-crown for a boy, with wool for 
a girl. On the tenth day after its birth, when the child was 
named, another feast (deixarfj) took place. This ceremony implied 
the acknowledgment, on the part of the father, of the child's 
legitimacy. The name of the child was chosen by both parents, 
generally after the name of either of the grandparents, sometimes, 
also, after the name or attributes of a deity, under whose particular 
protection the child was thus placed. A sacrifice, offered chiefly 
to the goddess of child-bearing, Here Ilithyia, and a meal, 
concluded the ceremony. At the latter, friends and relatives 
presented the infant with toys of metal or clay, while the mother 




received painted vases. The antique crajlle consisted of a flat 
swing of basket-work (\lkvov), such as appears in a terra-cotta 
relief in the British Museum, of the infant Bacchus being carried 
by a satyr brandishing a thyrsus, and a torch-bearing bacchante. 
Another kind of cradle, in the form of a shoe, is shown (Fig. 238) 
containing the infant Hermes, recognisable by his petasos. It 
also is made of basket-work. The advantage of this cradle 
consists in its having handles, and, therefore, being easily portable. 

It also might be suspended on ropes, and 
%g^3 rocked without difficulty. Other cradles, 
similar to our modern ones, belong to a later 
period. The singing of lullabies {fiavica~ 
XyjjULCiTa, fcaTaf3avKa\{](jei?) , and the rocking 
of children to sleep, were common amongst 
the ancients. "Wet-nurses \(tlt6i]) were com- 
monly employed amongst Ionian tribes ; wealthy Athenians chose 
Spartan nurses in preference, as being generally strong and 
healthy. After the child had been weaned it was fed by the dry 
nurse (77 Tpoc^o?) and the mother with pap, made chiefly of honey. 

The rattle (TrXarar/'fj) said to be invented by Archytas, was 
the first toy of the infant. Other toys of various kinds were 
partly bought, partly made by the children themselves on 
growing older. We mention painted clay puppets (/copai, 
KopoifkoOoi, KopoifKciGTai), representing human beings or animals, 
such as tortoises, hares, ducks, and mother apes with their 
offspring. Small stones were put inside, so as to produce a 
rattling noise ; which circumstance, together with the fact of 
small figures of this kind being frequently found on children's 
graves, proves their being toys. Small wooden carts (see Panofka, 
"Bilder antiken Lebens," PI. I., 3), houses and ships made of 
leather, and many other toys, made by the children themselves, 
might be instanced. Up to their sixth year boys and girls were 
brought up together under their mother's care ; from that point 
their education became separate. The education proper of the 
boy (7r<zfoa) became a more public one, while the girl was 
brought up by the mother at home, in a most simple way, 
according to our notions. From amongst the domestic slaves a 
trustworthy companion (Tra&aywyos) was chosen for the boy. He 
was, however, not a tutor in our sense, but rather a faithful 



servant, who had to take care of the boy in his walks, particularly 
on his way to and from school. He also had to instruct his pupil 
in certain rules of good behaviour (euKoafila), The boy had, for 
instance, to walk in the street with his head bent, as a sign of 
modesty, and to make room for his elders meeting him. In the 
presence of the latter he had to preserve a respectful silence. 
Proper behaviour at table, a graceful way of wearing his 
garments, &c, might be mentioned as kindred subjects of 
education. Boys were accompanied by pedagogues up to their 
sixteenth year. The latter appear frequently in vase-paintings, 
and are easily recognisable by their dress, consisting of chiton and 
cloak, with high-laced boots ; they also carry sticks with crooked 
handles, and their hair and beards give them a venerable aspect ; 
while their pupils, according to Athenian custom, are clad more 
lightly and gracefully. The pedagogue of the group of the 
Mobides is well known. 

Education was, at Athens, a matter of private enterprise. 
Schools were kept by private teachers, the government super- 
vision extending only to the moral not to the scientific quali- 
fication of the schoolmaster. Grammar (ypd/jLjuaTa), music 
(/ulov(tik{]), and gymnastics (yv/JLvaariicyj), to which Aristotle adds 
drawing (ypacpiKij), as a means of aesthetic cultivation, were the 
common subjects of education at schools and gymnasia. The 
expression ypdjijiwra comprised reading, writing, and arithmetic. 
The method of teaching how to write consisted in the master's 
forming the letters, which the pupils had to imitate on their 
tablets, sometimes with the master's assistance. The writing 
materials were small tablets covered with wax (mvaices, tuvclklci, 
ceXroi), into which the letters were scratched by means of a 
pencil (gtvXos, ypa(pe?ov) made of metal or ivory. It was pointed 
at one end, and flattened or bent at the other (Fig. 234, a) so as 
to extinguish the writing, if required, and, at the same time, 
to smooth the surface again for other letters, The burnisher 
Fig. 234, b, the broad side of which is about equal in width 
to a tablet, most likely served to smooth the wax cover of a 
whole tablet at once. By means of joining several tablets 
together, in the manner of a book, the so-called 7to\v7ttvxoi SeAroi 
were formed (Fig. 234, c). Waxed tablets were used also for 
letters, note-books, and other requirements of daily life. A young 


girl in a charming Pompeian wall-painting ("Museo Borbonico," 
vol. vi., PL 35) has in ber band a double tablet (£e\riov 
cLTtrvyov), wbile with ber other hand she holds a pencil to her 
chin, as if pondering over a letter. Her nurse looking over her 
shoulder tries to decipher the contents of the love-letter. Besides 
these tablets, Herodotos mentions the use of paper (jStjSAos) made 
of the bark of the Egyptian papyrus-plant. The stalk (three or 

four feet in length) was cut 
longitudinally, after which 
the outer bark was first 
taken off ; the remaining 
layers of bark, about twenty 
in number (pMhirm)^ were 
carefully severed with a pin ; 
Tig. 234. and, afterwards, the single 

stripes plaited crosswise ; by 
means of pressing and perforating the whole with lime-water, the 
necessary consistency of the material was obtained. The lower layers 
of bark yielded the best writing-paper, while the outer layers were 
made into packing-paper (emporetica) ; the uppermost bark was used 
for making ropes. Xames of different kinds of paper, such as charta 
JEgyptiaca, Niliaca, Saitica, Taneotica, were derived from different 
manufacturing places in Egypt, which, down to late Poman times, 
remained the chief market for paper ; other names, like charta 
regia (fiaaiKiicrj), Augusta, Liviana, Fanniana, Claudia, Cornelia, 
were. invented after emperors and empresses. Of at least equal 
antiquity with the use of papyrus was that of hides (licpO-epai) for 
writing materials. The Ionians used, according to Herodotos, the 
hides of goats and sheep for this purpose from time immemorial ; 
but the more careful preparation of the material was invented not 
before the reign of Eumenes II. (197-159 B.C.) at Pergamum, 
whence the name 7repyajjii]vij — anglice, parchment. The leaves of 
the papyrus had writing only on one side, those of parchment on 
both. The latter were rolled on sticks (Fig. 234, e), kept in 
cylindrical cases, a small piece of parchment {glXKv^o^}, with the 
title written on it, being fastened to the upper end of each roll 
(compare § 102) for convenience sake. A case of this kind full 
of parchment-rolls (icvXivhpoi) , with a cover to it, stands by the side 
of Klio in a wall-painting of Herculaneum (Fig. 235) , In her left 



hand the muse holds a half-opened roll on which are inscribed the 
words KAEIO ICTOPIAN (Klio teaches history). The ink (to 
fxehav) was made of a black colouring-substance ; it was kept in an 
inkstand made of metal, with a cover to it (jjiekavcoyov or ttv^ls). 
As is proved by Fig. 234, d, it could be fastened to the girdle by 
means of a ring. Double inkstands, frequently 
seen on monuments, were most likely destined for 
the keeping of black and red inks, the latter of 
which was frequently used. To write on paper or 
parchment, the ancients used the Memphic, Gfnidic, 
or Anaitic reeds (A-aAa/xo?, calamus, liarundo, fistula, 
Fig. 234, d), pointed and split like our pens. As 
we mentioned before, it was the custom of adults to write either 
reclining on the kline, with the leaf resting on the bent leg, 
or sitting in a low arm-chair, in which case the writing 
apparatus was supported by the knee of the writer. The latter 
posture is exemplified by a reading ephebos in a vase-painting 
(Panofka, " Bilder antiken Lebens," PI. I. Fig. 11) ; it was, 
undoubtedly, also that of the boys sitting on the rising steps used 
as forms (fiaOpa) at the schools. After his elementary education 
was completed, the boy was made acquainted with the works of 
national poetry, particularly with the poems of Homer, the 
learning by heart and reciting of which inspired him with 
patriotic pride. 

51. Musical instruction formed the second part of general 
education (iyKvitXio? iraibeia). Technical virtuosity was a 
secondary consideration, the ethic influence of the art being the 
guiding principle. The playing of one instrument, generally 
a stringed one, was an important subject of education. At 
games and meals, or in the throng of battle, the exhilarating and 
inspiring influence of music was felt. Into the intricacies of 
Greek harmony, as developed amongst different tribes, we cannot 
enter here, no more than into the relations of music to the sister- 
arts of poetry and the dance ; or into the monodic and choral 
divisions of vocal music (jue\os). We must restrict ourselves to 
instrumentation proper, collectively called Kpovais, so far as it 
may be illustrated by the remaining specimens of antique instru- 
ments. It ought to be remembered that the music of stringed 
instruments only was called KidapiaTiK)), or ^i\>) KtQapiais, 



KiQapwliK)] being the term for vocal music accompanied by strings. 
In the same way avKrjrLKrj or -^riXr) avXrjGK signified music of wind 
instruments ; avXwBtKrj the combination of these instruments with 
the human voice. We shall mention first the stringed instru- 
ments, after them the wind-instruments, and conclude with the 
clanging instruments, chiefly used for orgiastic music. 

a. The Greeks used no bows in playing on stringed instru- 
ments. The strings were placed all at equal distance over the 
sounding-board ; a low, straight bridge (bh'oXvpiov, /mayas, or 
juayabiov) only served to prevent the vibrating strings from 
touching the sounding-board. The strings were fastened at 
one end to the so-called " yoke " (gvyov or gu-yw/xa) by means of 
pegs (ic6XXo7res, or KoXXafioi) ; at the other they were attached 
to the inside, or outside, of the sounding-box. The use of the 
bow was thus made impossible, by the want of a curved bridge 
(as it exists in our stringed instruments), by means of which the 
relative height of the position of the single strings is modified. 
The stringed instruments of the ancients were played with 
the fingers, or with the straight or curved plectrum (liXrjKTpov), 
made of wood, ivory, or metal. Sometimes also both fingers and 
plectrum were employed severally or simultaneously. Both the 
shape and the use of the plectrum are illustrated by Fig. 237, c, e, g. 
It was held in the right hand, and fastened to a long ribbon 
(Fig. 237, g). Large- stringed instruments, played with both 
hands, or with the plectrum and the fingers of the left hand 
simultaneously (see Fig. 237, c, e), were held in a convenient 
position by means of a strap slung over the shoulder ; other 
instruments, played only with the plectrum or the fingers of the 
right hand, might rest on the left arm, without being tied to it.* 
This strap, fastened by means of rings to either surface of the 
sounding-board, appears most distinctly on the statue of Apollo 
in the Museo Pio Clementino. The god wears the costume of 
a kithara-player, accompanying his own song on the instrument 
(see Miiller, " Denkmaler," Part L, "No. 141, a ; compare a statue 
of Apollo in the same collection, ibid., Part II., No. 132). In 
vase-paintings these straps have been generally omitted ; but 
their necessity may be easily conjectured from the position of 

* In this sense the words liriokkviov Ki$ctpiZ,u)v in the hymn on Hermes 
verses 43 l 2 and 510) must he understood. 


the instrument, which seems to float in the air. The numerous 
specimens in pictures, and the varied terms in authors, make 
it here again next to impossible to explain the nuances of 
nomenclature, the more so as the statements of the authors 
are frequently very brief, and the representations of the artists 
(particularly with regard to the number of strings) inaccurate. 
The last-mentioned feature can, for this same reason, be no 
criterion in classifying the different instruments : the construction 
of the sounding-board, as illustrated by the monuments, must 
be our only principle of division. Most likely the artists 
rendered essentially the forms of the real instruments, although 
the whole conception of Greek art forbade a slavish imitation of 
details. The rich ornamentation of some stringed instruments, 
as proved by the vase-paintings, is quite in accordance with the 
general taste of the Greeks. 

Three fundamental types of stringed instruments must be 
distinguished — viz. the lyre, the kithara, and the harp. They 
are exemplified by an in- 
teresting vase-painting in j 
the old Pinakothek of j 
Munich (No. 805), the 
centre group of which con- 
sists of the three Muses, I 
Polymnia, Kalliope, and 
Erato, playing respectively 
on the three mentioned 
instruments— -the lyra, the 
kithara, and the trigonon 
(Fig. 236). The inven- 
tion of the lyre (Xvpa) is 
ascribed, by the myth, to Hermes, who first drew strings 
across the oval hollow of a tortoise-shell, which in this way 
became the sounding-box of the instrument. This primitive 
form is still in use amongst some of the South Sea popula- 
tions ; in Greece it was only known traditionally. The remaining 
evidence, both literary and artistic, refers only to the developed 
form of the lyre. Iu this not only the back-shell of the tortoise, 
but also the part covering the animal's chest, was used, the whole 
forming a closed sounding-box, the natural openings for the 



front legs of which, were used for the insertion of the roots of the 
curved horns of a goat. Wear their points these were joined 
together by a transverse piece of wood, called the yoke. Across 
this frame the strings were drawn, being more than twice as 
long as those of the mythical lyre. On the chest part of the 
shell (for only this flat part could be used for the purpose) was 
placed a bridge, across which the strings were drawn, being at 
one end tied in knots and fastened to the sounding-board, 
at the other, either simply wound round the yoke, or fastened to 
pegs. Figs. 237, a, b, c, d, e, illustrate a number of lyres, of 
which c shows most distinctly the entire tortoiseshell. The arms 
(TCYiyeis) are, in c, d, e, made of goats' horns, which, as we shall 
see in speaking of weapons, were also used for bows ; in a and b 
they consist of wood. In e the construction of the sounding- 

Fig. 237. 

board is somewhat difficult to understand, showing as it does a 
large' round opening in the centre. Equally difficult is the 
classification of the instrument in Fig. 237, /. Fig. 237, g, shows 
an instrument nearly related to the lyre. From the sounding- 
box, consisting of a small tortoiseshell, two wooden arms issue 
in divergent directions ; towards their upper ends they approach 
each other, and are joined together by a yoke. In vase-painting 
this instrument appears generally in the hands of either Alkaios 
or Sappho, from which circumstance archaeologists have (not 
without good reason) conjectured it to be the barbiton (fiapf3iTov, 
l^apv/uLLTov)) a low-toned instrument, which Terpander is said to 
have introduced from Lydia into Greece. The ttyjktU and 
fievyabis, both of Lydian origin, may also have been of the nature 
of lyres. Both expressions are applied by Greek authors pro- 



miscuously to one and the same, and to different instruments. 
In Greece Sappho is said to have played on a pektis ; in Sicily it 
seems, at a later period, to have been nsed at mysteries. The 
magadis is said to have been one of the most perfect instru- 
ments. It comprised two full octaves, the left hand playing the 
same notes as the right, an octave lower. Still more perfect 
was the LizL^oveiov, the name being derived from that of its 
inventor, Epigonos. It had forty strings, most likely in double 
rows — twice as many as the magadion. Neither of the two 
instruments was played with a plectrum. They cannot be with 
certainty recognised in the pictures ; but the large lyre with 
fifteen strings, standing before a sitting agonethis, in a marble- 
relief on a grave at Krissa (see Stackelberg, " Graber der 
Griechen," PL II.), doubtlessly belongs to the same species. 

The second class of stringed instruments, differing from the 

lyre both in shape and material, is called kithara (iciOapa) ; it 
was invented by Apollo, and therefore belonged to the kitharodes 
kwt k^oy^rjv. The sounding-box here consists of thin plates 
of wood, ivory, or metal ; it is generally angular, in other cases 
semi-oval in shape, and is continued, in order to increase its 
resounding power, by two arms, also hollow, and at their base equal 
in thickness to the sounding-box itself. The size of the latter, 
as well as the length of the arms, and their distance from each 
other, depended on the greater or smaller number of strings, also 
on the desired stronger or weaker resonance, not to speak of 
the individual taste of the maker (\vp07r016s), which, moreover, 
could show itself in the rich ornamentation of this particular 
kind of instrument. The sounding-board may have been equal 
in power to that of our guitars. Fig. 238, a, b, c, d, e, show a few 



of the numerous -variations of the kithara. Some of them 
(particularly c) resemble perfectly the guitar {cither) used in 
South Germany at the present day. Their forms are pleasing, 
that of d (most likely an imitation of the ornamental kithara, 
made of ivory or metal) magnificent. The distinction between 
lyre and kithara, founded on the different constructions of their 
sounding-boards, is not mentioned by ancient writers. The 
existence of a distinction between these two species, however, 
may be proved by written evidence, and is, moreover, confirmed 
by the vase-painting in Fig. 236, where the three muses represent 
the three chief classes of stringed instruments. The more com- 
plicated construction of the kithara, compared with the primitive 
tortoise and goat's horns of the lyre, seems to prove its later 
invention. The lyre was most likely of Thrakian origin ; 
Orpheus, Musaios, and Thamyris were there celebrated as masters 
on it, and thence it was most likely, together with the orgiastic 
worship of Dionysos, introduced into Greece, Its connection 
with that particular phase of religion is sufficiently proved by 
the monuments. In Greece the musical education of the youth 
began with the lyre ; together with the flute, it was the instru- 
ment most commonly used, for instance, at festive meals. The 
kithara, on the contrary, introduced from Asia into Greece by the 
Ionians, was used at musical competitions, sacrifices, and pageants, 
as is proved, for instance, by the Panathena'ic procession on the 
frieze of the Parthenon. The players always appeared on such 
occasions in the costume of the kitharodes, i.e, crowned and clad 
in long flowing robes. The phorminx seems not to have differed 
essentially from the kithara. Homer, at least, uses the expressions 
(jyopfdiyyi fciOapl^etv and k-lOapi? (popjutL^eLV as meaning the same 
thing. The explanation by Hesychius of phorminx, as a kithara 
carried on a ribbon over the shoulder ((f)6p/jLiy^. 1) tois wjjloi<; 
(pepofxevv) KiOapis), is most inappropriate, seeing that a dif- 
ference, if it existed at all, must have appeared in the construc- 
tion of the sounding-board, or the number of strings ; while, on the 
other hand, the strap is common to all the forms of the kithara. 

As the third form of stringed instruments we mention an 
instrument resembling our harp, called by archaeologists trigonon 
(rpiywvov). It was of triangular shape, as indicated by the name, 
and of Syrian or Phrygian origin. We are therefore justified in 



applying to the harp-like instruments (Figs. 236 and 238,/), both 
taken from vase-paintings, the name of trigonon, or, perhaps, that 
of (Ta/uL^VKi], an instrument defined by Suidas as etco? KiOapa*, 
rpiywvov. As in our harp, the sounding-board was on the side 
turned towards the player ; in the trigonon, however, the broader 
side is turned upwards, differing in this from the modern instru- 
ment. To the sounding-board the strings were fastened by 
means of studs ; the side of the instrument resting on the 
player's lap, took the place of the yoke. The strings, therefore, 
ran parallel to the third side or arm of the instrument. From 
Fig. 238, f f compared with similar representations, it would appear 
as if the yoke had been a double one, with double rows of strings 
drawn across it, as was the case in the above-mentioned epigoneion. 
The third side of the trigonon consisted either of a simple stick, 
connecting yoke and sounding-board, or it was shaped like an 
animal (Fig. 238,/). In Fig. 236 it is wanting entirely, and the 
trigonon, in consequence, resembles the harps, of different sizes, 
found frequently on Egyptian monuments.* An instrument with 
two wooden arms and ten strings, appearing in a wall-painting 
of Herculaneum (" Pitture d'Ercol." Tav. I., PI. 171), belongs 
undoubtedly to the same class ; analogous forms of this instrument 
have also been found on Egyptian monuments (Wilkinson, " A 
Popular Account of the Ancient Egyptians/' vol. i., p. 119), and, 
indeed, are still in use amongst certain tribes of the valley of the 
Upper Nile. The names of other instruments we must omit, as not 
sufficiently explained by monumental evidence. We only mention 
a four-stringed instrument, with a sounding-board in the form of 
a semi-globe, to which a long and narrow neck is attached just as 
in the modern guitar. It appears in a marble-relief of late Roman 
origin in the Louvre, held by a muse (Clarac, "Musee," II., PL 119). 
Instruments of this kind do not appear on Egyptian monuments. 

b. The wind-instruments (avXol) may be divided into pipes 
(vvpiyyes), clarionets (avXol proper), and trumpets (aaATTcyyes)* 
The oldest and simplest form of wind-instrument is the reed-pipe 
(avpLy^). The sound was produced by blowing either into the 

* Amongst the " S wanes," a tribe of the Caucasus, a harp called Tachungi, 
resembling tbe trigonon, is still in use. See Eadde, " Berichte liber biolog.-geograph.,' r 
" Untersuchui) gen in den Kaukasuslandern," I. (Tiflis, 1868), where a picture of the 
instrument may be seen. 



orifice of a broken reed, or, as in the fife (Querflbte), into a hole 
made to the side of the reed. The sound of the wind in the reeds 
led most likely to the invention of the syrinx, which is ascribed to 
Pan. According to the myth, Syrinx, the daughter of the Arkadian 
river-god Ladon, pursued by Pan, was changed into a reed, which 
the god thereupon cut into several pieces, joining together seven 
of them, decreasing in size, by means of wax. The result received 
the name of syrinx, or Pan's pipe. The number of reeds varied 
from seven to nine, as is proved both by the statements of ancient 

authors and by the monuments. Fig. 
239, b, shows the simpler syrinx, taken 
from a wall-painting at Herculaneum ; 
the pipes are seven in number, and 
seemingly of equal length. Fig. 239, 
a, taken from a candelabrum in the 
Louvre, shows nine pipes of different 
sizes. The syrinx, together with other 
wind-instruments and the lyre, appears most frequently in the 
hands of Sileni and satyrs in scenes from the Bacchic myth 
■ — for instance, on a gem in the Florence gallery (Fig. 240), 
which shows two Sileni with a syrinx, an aulos, and a lyre. 
In practical music the syrinx seems to have been used little, 
although it appears occasionally, together with other instruments, 
in pictures representing concerted music. An 
Etruscan bas-relief (Micali, "L'ltalia avanti il 
dominio dei Bora./' Atlas, Tav. 107) shows 
three girls playing severally on a syrinx, a 
flute, and a kithara ; and in another Etruscan 
representation (Miiller, " Denkmaler,'' Part IL, 
~No. 757) the sirens use it to allure Odysseus. 
jNearest akin to the syrinx is the 7r\aylav\o? 
(fife), said to be invented by the Libyans. It 
Fig. 240. was not a favourite instrument with the Greeks, 
and is rarely found on monuments. Fig. 241, m, 
shows a youth playing on it, after a bas-relief in the Louvre 
(compare the statue of a young satyr in Miiller's " Denkmaler," 
Part IL, No. 460). Generally both the instruments in Fig. 241, g 
and h, are also called plagiauloi ; whether rightly or wrongly we 
will not venture to decide. 



The avXos proper resembles our hautboy or clarinet, differing, 
however, from the latter in the fact of its lower notes being more 
important than the higher ones. The aulos consisted of two 
connected tubes and a mouthpiece, to the latter of which belonged 
two so-called tongues (yXwaaai), in order to increase the trembling 
motion of the air. The myth connected with the invention of the 
aulos illustrates, at the same time, the mutual position of wind 
and stringed instruments amongst the Greeks. Athene played 
for the first time on an aulos, made from the bone of a hart, at a 
feast of the gods. Here and Aphrodite rallied her on account of 
her blown-up cheeks, and the goddess, after having ascertained 
the truth of these objections by looking at her image, while 
playing, in the fountain on Mount Ida, threw down the instru- 
ment in disgust. It was found by Marsyas, the Phrygian Silenos, 
who, on the strength of it, dared to compete with Apollo, the 
inventor of the lyre, the Muses being appointed as umpires. The 
victory of the god symbolized that of stringed over wind 
instruments. It took a long while before the playing on the pipe 
was fully received in Greece ; and although in Athens it formed 
part of the musical education, it never was there appreciated as 
much as in Boeotia, whose inhabitants were celebrated for this art. 
Perhaps the particularly fine reeds growing in the marshy plains 
of Orchomenos tend to explain this phenomenon. 

The materials of the aulos were, besides reeds, the wood of 
box or laurel, the bones of the hart, and ivory ; metals were 
chiefly used in it for ornamental purposes. At first the aulos had 
only three or four holes (rpiyictTa^ T/n>7n/ /xct/ra, irapcvrpim // fiara) , 
but Diodoros of Thebes added to the number. The addition of 
side holes, with keys to them, completed the aulos. It was 
blown by means of a removable mouthpiece ; which, if not used, 
was kept in a case (ryXwaaoKo/jieTov). The /3o/x/3t>£ (reed) itself 
was mostly straight; sometimes it was bent upwards near the 
opening, which was wider or narrower according to the strength 
of tone required. The simplest and oldest form of the aulos is 
seen Fig. 241, b and n; it resembles a short shepherd's pipe 
(schalmei), and the figures holding it in both cases are taken 
from the statues of shepherds. The form of the mouthpiece 
appears distinctly in Fig. 241, a, d, e, f. The clarinet (fiovavhos, 
jj.ovoKahafxos) with one tube only is seen also on the frieze of the 




Parthenon ; but still more common was the double clarinet, called 
by the Romans tibice gemince. It consisted of two tubes blown 
simultaneously by means of one common or two separate mouth- 
pieces (Fig. 241, a, d, e,f, i, k, I), and comprises as many notes as 
the syrinx. The tube held in the right hand, and blown with the 
right side of the mouth, had three holes, and was called by the 
Romans tibia dextra i by the Greeks the " male " clarinet (auAo? 
avlpijios) ; the left tube had four holes, and was called tibia 
sinistra, or "female" aulos (av\6$ yvvaLKrjios). The former 
produced the lower, the latter the upper notes.* The tubes are 

a b c dief g h 

1c I 

Fig. 241. 

either both of the same length and shape (used to accompany 
revels and gymnastic exercises, Fig. 241, a, d, f, k, I), or of 
unequal length but equal shape (avXol ya^jXioi) ; or, finally, 
differing totally both in shape and length (Fig. 241, e, i). The 
pipes might be with (Fig. 241, d) or without keys (Fig. 241, 
a, f y k, I) . The first-mentioned instrument (d) appears on a sarco- 
phagus in the Yatican, in the hands of a genius displaying the 

* Double shepherd's pipes, called "dutka," are still used by peasants in certain 
parts of Kussia. 



attributes of Euterpe. Sometimes the lower opening was shaped 
like a bell (kwIwv) (Fig. 241, c d), as in our clarinets. The 
Phrygian double-pipe (cXv/uloi avXoi), with one tube straight and 
the other bent downwards like a horn, shows the largest extension 
of the tube-opening. Fig. 241, i, shows a female figure playing 
the Phrygian double-pipe, taken from a sarcophagus in the 
Vatican ; the two Phrygian pipes, put crosswise (e), are 
taken from one side of a square altar in the Vatican, and 
appear in exactly the same form in a relief representing an 
Archigallus surrounded by the attributes of his dignity (Mliller, 
"Denkmaler," Part II., No. 817). The difference in shape 
between the two mouthpieces is remarkable. Other varieties 
appear frequently (see, for instance, "Museo Borbon.," vol. ix., 
Tav. 37 ; and Fig. 247, b, representing a dancing bacchante, from 
a marble relief). Both Greek and Eoman players occasionally 
tied a leather bandage round their lips and cheeks ((popfieia, 
GTo/jLis, ^(eiXwr^p), through the hole of which, bound with metal, 
the mouthpieces of the double clarinet were put (Fig. 241, I). 
The purpose of this bandage was to soften the tone by preventing 
violent breathing. It was used particularly at theatrical represen- 
tations, sacrifices, and pomps, to play long pieces on the large 
double clarinets ; while the female players in representations of 
symposia always appear without it. It was never used with single 
clarinets. The bagpipe is of antique invention. Fig. 242, 
taken from a bronze statuette, shows a bagpipe-player (actKavkip, 
utricularius) . His instrument resembles those used by modern 
jpifferari. Its squeaking notes naturally appealed only to the 
taste of the lower classes. 

The aa\7ri<y^ (trumpet) consists of a tube considerably increasing 
in circumference towards the lower opening, and a mouthpiece in 
the shape of a drinking- vessel. The long trumpet, unknown to 
the Greeks in Homer's time, is said to have been introduced by 
the Pelasgic Tyrrhenians ; the Hellenic salpinx was undoubtedly 
identical with it. The far-sounding salpinx was a warlike instru- 
ment, no less than the pipe and kithara, used as such chiefly 
by the Spartans and Cretans ; it also accompanied religious 
ceremonies. By the sound of an Argive salpinx Agyrtes rouses 
the warlike spirit of Achilles, hidden amongst the women of 
Deidameia in the isle of Skyros (Fig. 243, taken from a marble 




relief), while Pioniedes and Odysseus display shining weapons to 
the young hero. Of other trumpets and horn-like instruments 
ascribed by Greek authors to Oriental nations, but not to the 
Greeks themselves, we mention the Egyptian yvom, used to call 
the people to the sacrifice ; it resembled the curved salpinx 
(aaKtruy^ arpoyyvXi]), the cornu of the Romans (Fig. 245). We 
further name the trumpet called the Galatian, bronze, or shrill 
(6i;v(f)u)vos) salpinx, with a leaden mouthpiece and a kodon in the 
shape of an animal's mouth ; by the Galatian Celts it was called 
Kapvv$~> The Paphlagonian trumpet was low-toned (fiapixpwvos), 
and larger than the Greek salpinx ; from its kodon, bearing the 
shape of a bull's head, it was called fioivos. The Medes used 
a hollow-sounding salpinx, made of a bulrush, with a wide kodon. 

Fig. 242. Fig. 243. Fig. 244. 

This Median trumpet seems to be depicted in two vase-paintings ; 
in one of them (Micali, "L'ltalia avanti il dominio dei Eomani," 
Atlas, Tav. 100) we see an Asiatic archer, in a Median or 
Parthian dress, blowing on a very thin, long tube, with a 
screwed-on mouthpiece, which he has fastened to his mouth by 
means of a bandage in the manner of an aulos-plaver ; the other 
(Gerhard, " Griechische Yasenbilder," Part II., PI. 103) shows the 
same instrument in the hands of the Amazon Antiope clad in 
Greek armour. It appears from the position of both these figures 
that this instrument was turned towards the ground on being 
played, differing in this from the Greek trumpet. We finally 
mention the Tyrrhenian bronze trumpet, the kodon of which was 
bent upwards {kwcwv KeKKaufxevos) ; it was also called the curved 


21 I 

or Etruscan lituus (Xirvov), and resembled, in its shape, the 
Phrygian pipe (compare Fig. 241, i) ; it was used as a signal- 
trumpet in battles, and at games and ceremonies. Horns (h-epara), 
as warlike instruments, seem to have been unknown to the Greeks. 
Barbarian nations frequently used them for that purpose. Fig. 
244 shows a player on the horn (KeparavX-)^) whose pileus of black 
lamb's wool betrays him as an Armenian "or Persian. In the 
vase-painting in which he occurs, he seems to encourage Asiatic 
warriors fighting with Greeks, while the latter are called to battle 
by the sounds of Hellenic trumpets. 

To conclude, we mention the water-organ (vcpcwXos, vcpavXcs, 
organon hydraulicum) , invented by Ktesibios the mechanician, and 
described by his pupil, Hero of Alex- 
andria. It was constructed on the syrinx 
principle, and contained seven pipes made 
partly of bronze, partly of reed. The 
sound was produced by waving the air- 
columns through the means of water. It 
was played, organo modulari, on a keyboard. 
Ktesibios' invention was afterwards con- 
siderably improved. Nero took a par- 
ticular interest in it, and during his reign 
hydraulic organs of a new construction 

were built {org ana hydraulica nod et ignoti generis). Fig. 245 
shows an organ taken from a Roman mosaic floor at Nennig. A 
man is playing on the horn to the sound of the organ. 

c. We now come to the "clanging instruments" used chiefly 
at religious ceremonies connected with the worship of Dionysos and 
Kybele — castanets, the cymbal, and the 
tambourine. They were also used as a 
rhythmical accompaniment of social dances, 
played by the spectators, or the dancers 
themselves, as is still the custom amongst 
peasants in the south of Europe. The castanets (KporaXoi) 
said to be invented by the Sicilians, consisted, like our modern 
ones, of small pieces of reed, wood, or metal, or of shells, tied 
together with a ribbon. They were struck against each other by 
the fingers at rhythmical intervals. The three pairs of castanets 
seen in Fig. 246 appear in the hands of dancing-women in wall- 

p 2 

Fio-. 245. 

Fia:. 246. 



Fig. 247. 

paintings and on vases. Their manipulation requires no other 

The cymbals {kv^oKgl) consisted, like those of our military 
bands, of two metal bowls in the form of semi-globes (Fig. 247, a). 

They were held in the hollow of the 
hand or by means of straps (see " Museo 
Borbonico," vol. xv., Tav. 47). They 
were used at the above-mentioned 
religious ceremonies, and were also 
hung upon the branches of holy trees 
(compare Fig. 1). Still more noisy 
was the tambourine {rvfiiravov), a 
broad ring of wood or metal with 
a covering of hide. Bells and pieces 
of brass were added to increase the 
noise (Fig. 248). In vase-paintings 
the tympanon appears with a sound- 
ing-bottom in the form of a semi-globe, which makes it resemble 
our kettle-drum. To conclude, we mention the sistrum (aecaTpov, 
Fig. 249), not used by the Greeks, but introduced to the Romans 

as part of the secret worship of Isis. 
It consisted of a sounding-box re- 
sembling that of the lyre, made of 
brass or precious metals, into which 
were inserted loosely small bars of 
metal, bent down at the end so as 
to prevent their sliding out. By 
means of a handle the instrument 
was shaken, whereat the vibrating 
Fl ^' 248 * 1& ' 249 * motion of the bars produced a not 

inharmonious sound. 

52. It was a distinguishing feature of the Greeks amongst 
ancient nations to consider corporeal exercise as a no less important 
factor of education than mental progress itself. The harmonious 
development of the body, and, indeed, of every single limb, was 
thought to be of the utmost importance for the attainment of self- 
conscious determination in the practical demands of life. This 
principle of acting, through means of the body, on the mind, was 
realised in the gymnastic and agonistic institutions of Greece. 



Lucian, in his " Apology of Gymnastics," insists upon the ethic 
bearing of athletic exercise on the mind of young men in directing 
their ambition into the right channel, in preventing them from 
laziness and its accompanying vices, and in endowing them with 
that combination of good qualities which is collectively called 
KaXok-ayaOla. The physical as well as the intellectual (for instance, 
musical) education varied greatly amongst the different tribes of 
Greece. Amongst the Doric tribes, chiefly in Sparta, it consisted 
principally in hardening the body of the young citizen-warrior 
against the influence of pain and exertion ; amongst Ionian tribes, 
and chiefly at Athens, the harmonious development of body and 
soul, i.e. grace and ease of bearing and demeanour [evpvOjiia and 
evapjULoarla), were the objects chiefly aimed at. 

The beginnings of gymnastic and agonistic exercises, although 
lacking at first the systematic development of later times, date 
back to prehistoric ages. Games were held at an early period in 
honour of gods and heroes ; and the laws of Solon and I^kurgos 
only served to regulate and further develop the skill thus 

To our previous remarks (§ 25) we must add a few words as 
to the important question of the separation of the gymnasion from 
the palaestra. The separation of the two localities, destined as they 
were for different branches of athletic exercise, seems established 
beyond doubt, notwithstanding the utterances of ancient writers 
frequently contradicting each other. Herodotos, for instance, calls 
both the dromos and the palaestra yvfivaaia, while Vitruvius uses 
palaestra for gymnasion and palaestra collectively. At one time 
the palaestra was undoubtedly a building by itself, connected with, 
or detached from, the gymnasion. At the time of the emperors, 
but not before, this distinction seems to have disappeared ; hence 
the mixing up of the two terms by Vitruvius. At Athens 
the gymnasia were public institutions, supported by private or 
public means, at which epheboi and men spent a part of their 
day in athletic exercise and in instructive and social intercourse. 
There were the Lykeion, the Kynosarges, the Academy, the 
Ptolemaion, the splendid gymnasion of Hadrianus, and the small 
gymnasion of Hermes. The number of palaestrai at Athens was 
still greater. They were all private institutes kept by single 
paedotribai, and destined for the athletic education of boys only. 

2I 4 


In smaller cities, the joint practice of youths and grown-up men 
in the same locality was frequently inevitable. But it is erroneous 
to suppose that the palaestra was exclusively the resort of 
athletai. The separation of youths and men from boys was 
desirable both for moral and educational reasons. For the 
difficulties of the task increased in proportion to the age of the 
aspirant. Classifications according to age and abilities are 
contained in the expressions 7rcu£e9 vewrepoi and TrpeafivTepoi, or 
7rpwTi] and levrepa ifKucla— the former applying to younger, the 
latter to older boys. A more advanced stage was the rplri] 
fjXiKLct, denoting the transition from the age of the boy to that of 
the ephebos ; another name for these youths was a<yeveioi. Similar 
distinctions existed undoubtedly amongst the epheboi of different 
ages. These distinctions were especially marked in Sparta, where 
each age had its particular amount of sufferings and exertions 
to go through. 

Before entering upon the single exercises we must try to 
define the three general appellations, yv/uLvaarLKi], aywviariKt], and 
d6Xi]TiK}). The first term comprises all kinds of regulated 
bodily exercise for the purpose of strengthening the body or 
single limbs. The expressions avraywyiarr]^ and a<ywv apply to 
those games on which the emulation of several persons was brought 
to bear. The aycaviariK)) comprises the gymnastic exercises 
tending to prepare the athletai for the wrestling-matches, which 
formed an important feature of national festivities, particularly of 
the games of Olympia, celebrated once every five years, at the time 
of the first full moon after the summer solstice. Here assembled, 
invited by the peace-messengers of Zeus, the delegates of empires 
and cities ; not to speak of crowds of enthusiastic spectators from 
the most distant shores. The flower of Greek youth came to test 
their skill in the noble competition for the crown of Zeus. Only 
he whose unstained character and pure Hellenic descent had been 
certified by the Hellanodikai was allowed to approach the silver 
urn which contained the lots. A previous training of at least ten 
months at a Greek gymnasion was further required for obtaining 
the permission of taking part in the holy contest. Supreme were 
the honours conferred on the victor. The umpires crowned him 
with the fresh olive-wreath and the palm in the temple of Zeus ; 
poets like Pindar sang his praise ; inscriptions and statues of brass 
announced his fame to coming generations. 


The ethic purpose of gymnastic art came to be more and more 
neglected when artificiality and affectation began to prevail. It 
was then that the noble art deteriorated into a mechanical 
profession ; the cl6\)]tik]j is the later signification of that term. 

To the fine arts the palaestra and gymnasion yielded an 
inexhaustible supply of beautiful models both for youthful grace 
and manly strength. The national pride of the Greeks further 
encouraged the artist in the choice of athletic subjects ; hence the 
innumerable plastic monuments in the native cities of the victors, 
and on the sites of their triumphs. Pausanias, who wrote after 
the wholesale spoliation and destruction of Olympia by the Roman 
conquerors, mentions no less than 230 bronze statues of Olympian 
victors adorning her streets and squares as the remnants of past 
glories. We possess only few specimens of this branch of Greek 
art, but their excellence and technical finish demonstrate 
the reciprocity between the feeling of the nation and its artistic 
expression. Scenes from the palaestra and gymnasion frequently 
occur in vase-paintings. There we see older or younger 
men clad in himatia, leaning on crooks, and looking down on the 
wrestlers, or directing their movements by means of peculiarly 
forked staffs (Gerhard, "Auserlesene griechische Yasenbilder," 
Taf. CCLXXL), the destination of which, however, seems some- 
what doubtful. These men are the gymnastai and paedotribai ; 
the former having to superintend the general development and 
deportment of the body, the latter directing the single exercises. 
These were the real teachers in gymnastics, and their place was 
amongst the wrestlers. Amongst other officials we mention the 
sophronistai, who were responsible for the good behaviour 
((Tw^poavvrj) of the boys. Their number at Athens was ten, one 
being selected by each phyle. During the imperial times we meet 
with a kosmetes, with one anti-kosmetes and two hypo-kosmetai 
as assistants, who had to watch the epheboi at the gymnasia. The 
gymnasiarchos was the superintendent of the whole gymnasion, 
an honorary and, moreover, expensive post. He had to pay 
the expenses of the torch-races, and also for the oil used at the 
games, which afterwards was supplied by the State. He also had 
to arrange memorial processions in honour of great men. 

It may be assumed that the simplest bodily exercises, viz. 
those that required no weapons or antagonists, were also the 

21 6 


oldest. The most primitive of these was the foot-race (hpo/mos), 
which always came first amongst the contests at the great Hellenic 
festivals. At the Olympic games, indeed, the foot-race continued 
for a long period the sole athletic exercise ; and the Pythian, 
JNemean, and Isthmian games, which were modelled after them, 
always began with the foot-race whenever the pentathlon was 
enacted in its entirety. The foot-race consisted of the simple race 
((jTabiov or hpo/dos), in which the racecourse had to be run over 
once from beginning to end. The race of the boys, however, 
comprised but half the racecourse, and those of the ageneioi of 
two-thirds. This race of the boys was incorporated with the 
Olympic games in the 37th Olympiad, and the names of the youthful 
victors are invariably first quoted in old inscriptions. But in those 
states in which the physique of the female sex was likewise 
trained and developed, the foot-race was regarded as the most 
suitable of gymnastic exercises for maidens, the length of their 
course being shorter by one- sixth than that reserved for men. In 
the second species of race, the diaulos (clavXos), the competitors 
had to run twice over the whole length of the racecourse. The 
goal had to be doubled in a curve (/ra/i7r//), whence the name 
Kafmeios hpojiios- But the greatest exertion of strength and endur- 
ance had to be displayed in the third species of races, the long-run 
(8o\t^o?), in which, without stopping, the course had to be 
measured so often that the whole distance, according to various 
reports, consisted of 12, 20, or 24 stadia, that is, more than half a 
geographical mile, if we accept the highest computation. 

We can understand, therefore, that the Spartan Ladas, when 
crowned conqueror in the foot-race, after having, for twelve 
successive times, run backwards and forwards over the course, 
should have dropped down dead on reaching the goal. Strength 
of limb and breath were, according to Lucian, the necessary 
requisites in running this race ; while the greatest possible 
speed, on the other hand, was required by those who took part 
in the shorter course. The race in complete armour (ottXlti^ 
cpo/nos) also belonged to these exercises. At first this was 
executed by young men fully equipped with helmet, shield, and 
greaves ; but at a later period their armour for this race was 
reduced to the simple shield. This armed race was undoubtedly 
of the greatest importance as a preparation for active service ; and 



Plato, with a view to this military object, demanded its being 
practised both in the long and short running-matches. For the 
Greeks, like the French, were wont to attack the ranks of the 
enemy at a running pace. This is said to have been the case at 
the battle of Marathon. At foot-races, as in all other exercises, 
the combatants used to appear quite naked, except in earlier 
times, when they girded their loins with a cloth. The runners 
who presented themselves at the agon as candidates were ranged 
in divisions (tcl^ek) (each consisting, as may be seen from 
monuments, of four agonistai) and led to the starting-point, where 
it was decided by lot in which order the different divisions were 
to follow each other. Any kinds of tricks, bribery, or force, 
employed by racers to gain an advance upon the others, were 
strictly prohibited. After the various divisions had run their 
race, the victors of each had again to compete with each other ; 
and only in the last race was it settled to whom the prize or 
garland should be awarded. Races of this description, run by 
four men or epheboi, are often represented on Panathenaic vases. 
The runners here appear perfectly naked, and their lifted arms 
look as though they were to increase the swiftness of their legs.* 
The torch-race (Xa/jLTrahfipo/jila) may also be regarded as belonging 
to this species of athletic sports. It was held at night in honour 
of various gods and goddesses in different parts of Greece. The 
principal object at these night races was to reach the goal with 
one's torch alight. Two epheboi, armed with round shields, and 
flourishing torches in their hands, are thus depicted on a vase 
(Gerhard, "Antike Vasenbilder," Cent. I. 4, Taf. 63). On two 
other vessels (Tischbein, " Yas. d'Hamilton," Taf. III., PI. 48, and 
II. 25) Nike presents the crown, in sign of victory, to one of 
three youthful torch -bearers competing for the prize. Other races 
were connected with festivals of a religious character, such as the 
Oschophoria at Athens, where runners, clad in female garments, 
bore vines covered with grapes from the temple of Dionysos to 
that of Athene Skiras in the Demos Phaleros. These and others, 
however, do not properly come under the category of races. 

Leaping (a\/xa) ranked next in the series of gymnastic 
exercises. Homer already introduces practised leapers in his 

* " Mus. Gregorianum," II., Tav. 42. "Monum. in edit. d. Inst, di Corrisp, 
archeol." I. Tav. 22. Gerhard, "Antike Bildwerke," Cent. I., Taf. 6, etc. 



description of the games of the Phaiakai, and the same exercises 
were afterwards introduced amongst the gymnic agones ; they, as 
well as the foot-race, formed a part of those sports to be presently 
described as the pentathlon. The leaps upwards, forwards, and 
downwards appear to have been practised at the palaestra and the 
gymnasia, in a similar manner as in our modern gymnasiums. 
But it is doubtful whether the Greeks were acquainted with the 
long pole now habitually used in gymnastics ; the poles depicted 
on many vases held in the hands of leaping epheboi having rather 
the appearance of spears than poles. But if we consider that the 
Greeks regarded gymnastics as a preparation for military service, 
and that the spear was often employed in war to leap over ditches, 
we may safely assume that poles were also used for gymnastic 
purposes. This surmise is further strengthened by the Amazon 

on a gem (Midler's " Denk- 
maler," I, Taf. XXXL, No. 
138, b), who, grasping such 
an instrument in her hands, 
prepares for the leap. Writ- 
ten and monumental evidence 
proves, on the other hand, 
that the Greeks, in order to 
secure accuracy of motion for 
the distant leap, made use of 
so-called aXrrjpes. The form 
of this instrument, not unlike that of our own dumb-bells, though 
rarely mentioned by ancient authors, appears in numerous pictorial 
representations. On a vase where an ephebos is just preparing for 
the leap, a pair of these instruments is depicted (Fig. 250). They 
were either pieces of metal of semi-oval form, in the curved lines of 
which orifices were left for the hands, or they consisted of short 
iron bars having knobs at each end, thus resembling our dumb-bells 
in shape ; this latter kind was that in use at the pentathlon. The 
mode of using these dumb-bells was probably as follows. The 
person about to leap, whether first stepping back a few paces or not, 
stretched his arms, laden with the dumb-bells, back in a straight 
line ; and then, in the very act of leaping, swung them forwards 
again with a sudden motion (Fig. 250). But as this violent 
motion of the arms necessarily imparted an oblique and receding 



position to the body, in coming down the person would necessarily 
have fallen on his back had not the equilibrium been restored by 
a rapid backward motion of the arms. It has, in fact, recently been 
proved by practical experiments that a person in the act of 
leaping is capable of taking a much wider leap by the aid of 
dumb-bells : still, even acknowledging the greater practice of the 
Greeks, it remains inexplicable how Phayllos could, by aid of 
these dumb-bells, have leaped to a distance of fifty-five feet, 
considering that the most practised gymnasts of our time only 
succeed in leaping one-third of that distance. As is the case in 
our gymnasiums, the ancients marked, by a line dug in the 
ground, or a board, the spot whence the leap had to be taken 
(parrfp). Such a board, of a very lofty height, whence a palaas- 
trites takes the salto mortale, is depicted in a wall-painting in an 
Etruscan burial-chamber (Micali, " L'ltalia avanti il dominio dei 
Romani," Atlas, Tav. 70), where, in fact, the most varied exercises 
of the palaestra are most graphically represented. The goal which 
had to be attained in leaping was marked either by a furrow dug 
in the earth [aKcififia), or the distance to which each of the 
competitors leaped was marked by an incision in the ground. 
This drawing of furrows is probably indicated by those agonistic 
representations on vases, of men with hoes (Gerhard, " Auserlesene 
grieckische Yasenbilder," Taf. CCLXXL). Others, again, depicted 
in these paintings, carry long red ribbons in their hands, probably 
pieces of tape, by which the length of the leaps as well as other 
kinds of athletic exercises were determined. Although the use of 
the dumb-bells as weights to be held in leaping has not been 
introduced into modern gymnastics, its strengthening the muscles 
of the arms, neck, and chest has, nevertheless, been as fully 
recognised as it was by the ancients. 

Wrestling (7ra\)/) was the third species of athletic exercise. 
The custom of preparing for this exercise by anointing the body 
(eXaiov) seems to have been introduced in post-Homeric times. 
It contributed to the suppleness and elasticity of the limbs, and 
was soon not only used in wrestling but in all other kinds of 
athletic exercises. But in order to obviate the too great facility of 
extricating the limbs from the embrace of an antagonist, the 
wrestlers used to sprinkle their bodies with sand. Besides, as 
Lucian says, this double covering of the skin prevents a too 



copious perspiration by closing the pores, which, owing to the 
violent exercise, are open, and thus more exposed to the bad 
effects of draughts ; it also strengthens the powers of endurance 
generally. The duty of anointing the limbs devolved on the 
a\e/7TT)/9. At the end of the combat the body, of course, was 
thoroughly cleansed ; and the ancients for that purpose used an 
instrument of the nature of a scraper, which they called arXeyyi? 
(strigilis). Both sexes were also in the habit of employing the 
same scraper after every bath for the cleansing of their Knibs. 
This instrument, hollowed out in the shape of a spoon, and 
consisting of metal, bone, or reed, was provided with a handle, 
and we naturally find an instrument so constantly used in daily 
life depicted in various paintings (G-erhard, " Auserlesene 
griechische Yasenbilder," Tafs. CCLXXYII. 
CCLXXXI. " Mus. G-regor./' vol. ii., Tav. 87), the 
subjects of which are taken from the palaestra or 
from domestic life. As a rule, it appears together 
with a vessel of a globular shape, in which the 
oil was kept. Fig. 251 may assist the reader in 
forming a correct idea of a complete apparatus 
of this sort, consisting of an oil-flask suspended 
by cords, of scrapers of various lengths, and of a 
flat dish ; the original is at the Museo Borbonico. 
The manner of using this instrument is exemplified 
in a particularly vivid manner by the beautiful 
statue of an athlete scraping himself, in the 
Museo Chiaramonti, Fig. 252, generally known under the name 
of ' AiiO^vofievos. In no other kind of contest was a professional 
training as necessary as in the wrestling-matches. Xot only rude 
strength was required, but also firmness of eye in finding out an 
antagonist's weak points. ]STo less useful were certain dexterous 
thrusts learned at the wrestling- schools, and quickness in out- 
witting an antagonist by feigned turns and positions, all of which 
had, at the same time, to be executed in a pleasing and decorous 
manner. Certain rules were enforced at the wrestling-school 
which the combatants were not allowed to transgress. They do 
not, it is true, harmonize with our more humane ideas ; for, 
although the beating of an opponent was then, as now, forbidden, 
not so were pushing (wOkj/jlos). and spraining his fingers and toes, 



nor grasping his throat with the hands. The combatants were 
also allowed to knock their heads against each other (avvapctrreiv 
ra /x€TW7ra), unless this is to be understood as a mere pressing 
together of foreheads, a position which is also permitted in our 
modern gymnasiums. This latter species of combat seems depicted 
on a vase of the Blacas collection (" Musee Blacas," t. i., PL 2,- 
compare with it a similar representation in the " Museo Pio 
Clenientino," vol. v., PL 37), where two naked 
wrestlers, with their heads pressed against each 
other, endeavour to grasp each other's arms. 
The Greeks had two species of wrestling. In 
the first the wrestlers strove to throw each 
other (7raA?7 op®^b opOia) while standing in an 
upright position, and, if thrown, to rise again to 
renewed contest. If the opponent was thrown 
three times in the same contest he had to declare 
himself beaten. The other species of wrestling 
formed the continuation of the first ; the cus- 
tom in this being, that as soon as one of the 
combatants had been thrown the other knelt 
down upon him to prevent his rising, the contest 
(aXiphjcrLS, kvXktls) being carried on in this 
recumbent position. In both species of wrestling 
certain tricks were used, by means of which the 
wrestlers tried to deprive their opponents of 
the free use of their arms and legs, by closely 
embracing them. The opponents (Fig. 253) first approached 
each other, at the beginning of the contest, with uplifted arms, 
at the same time advancing the right leg, and taking a firm posi- 
tion with the upper body drawn back (e/x/3oAcu). 

The contest, then, was begun with arms and fists (Fig. 253), 
each antagonist try- 
ing to encircle the 
other's arms and 
shoulders (cpaooeiv). 

Another <JXW a (* ne 
technical name for 
the different tricks of wrestling) was done with the legs ; Odysseus, 
in his contest with Aias, applies it by knocking his heel against the 

Fie:. 252. 

Fio-. 253. 



bend of the knee of his antagonist, and flooring him by that 
means (vireKvae he yvia). Another similar trick consisted in 
suddenly lifting up the antagonist's leg with one's hands, and 
throwing him down in that manner ; this is frequently depicted in 

vase-paintings (" Monumenti dell' 
Istit.," vol. i. 22, No. 8, b). 
The encircling of the antagonist's 
legs, continued even after the wrest- 
lers had fallen to the ground, also 
belongs to this species of com- 
bats ; it is illustrated by the cele- 
brated marble group of "The 
Wrestlers," at Florence. The 
technical name for it was v7roGKe- 
Xlgeiv, and it formed an important 
feature of the art. In the above- 
mentioned group (Fig. 254) the 
uppermost wrestler has laid his left leg tightly round that of 
his antagonist ; the latter endeavours to lift himself up by 
means of his disengaged left arm and of his right knee. But 
his right arm has been firmly grasped by the victor, and is being 
pushed upwards. Many other schemata of wrestling mentioned 
by ancient authors we omit as not sufficiently explained. 

The fourth kind of gymnastic exercise is the throwing of the 
diskos (ci(TKopo\L.a). Our illustration (Fig. 255) is taken from 
the statue of a Diskobolos found in 1781 at the Villa Palombara, 
belonging to Principe Massimi. It is undoubtedly a copy of the 
celebrated statue by the sculptor Myron. The upper part of the 
body is bent down towards the right, and rests on the left arm, 
the left hand itself resting on the knee of the right leg, which is 
slightly bent. The weight of the body, therefore, is thrown on 
the right foot ; while the left one, with the toes bent slightly, only 
touches the ground to keep up the equilibrium. The heavy diskos 
lies on the lower part of the arm and the right hand. The right 
arm is bent backwards up to the height of the shoulder, so as to 
add force to the throw. The neck and head are turned towards the 
hand holding the diskos, so as to control the right direction of the 
throw. The same position is also mentioned by Philostratos 
(" Imag,," I., 24) in his description of a diskobolos, and was, 

Fig. 254. 



undoubtedly, the regular one. It somewhat resembles that of our 

players at nine-pins, with the difference, however, that in our 

game the ball is thrown in a straight line, while the diskos was 

propelled in a curve. This game is connected with mythical gods 

and heroes ; Homer mentions it as a favourite occupation of men. 

The Homeric diskos (aoKoi) consisted of 

a heavy piece of cast iron (avroyowvos) 

or of stone ; as, for instance, amongst the 

Phaiakai. The historic diskos has the 

shape of a lens. It resembled a small 

round shield without a handle, and was, 

therefore, difficult to manage. The dis- 

kobolos bent his fingers over the side 

of the diskos which rested on his palm 

and on the lower part of the arm (Fig. 

255). A diskos found at iEgina is 

7' 7" in diameter, and weighs 3 lbs. 29 oz. 

It is at present in the antiquarium of 

the Royal Museum of Berlin (Bronzen y 

No. 1273) ; on it are represented 

two epheboi, one of them throwing 
a spear, the other holding dumb- 
bells.* The diskobolos stood on a small earth-mound (jSaAjS/?), 
and the longest distance obtained decided the victory, whether 
or not a goal had previously been marked. 

Still more than was the case with the ' diskobolia another 
exercise, viz. the throwing of spears (glkovtiov, clkovtkjijlos), was 
considered as a preparation for actual warfare. It was well known 
in Homer's time, and afterwards counted amongst the gymnastic 
and agonistic exercises. In Homer's time the game was performed 
in full armour and with sharp spears ; later on, only pointless 
spears were used, as is confirmed by several vase-paintings, in 
which epheboi appear with one or two spears without points. In 
the pentathlon light, short spears, with long, thin points, were 
used either in throwing at aims or only for long distances. We 
shall return to the spears in treating of Greek weapons (§ 54). 
The five exercises thus described, viz. running, leaping, 

* See the picture of a diskos (original size) in Ed. Pinder, " Ueber den Piinfkampf 
der Hellenen." Berlin, 1867. 

224 BOXING. 

wrestling, throwing the diskos, and the spear, formed the so-called 
TrevraOXov. At the four great national festivals all these had to 
be gone through on one and the same day, and the prize was 
awarded to him only who had been victorious in all of them. 
According to Bockh, the pentathlon began with leaping ; after it 
followed running ; after that, the throwing of the diskos and of 
the spear, the last game being the wrestling. Other philologists 
prefer a different order. It remains doubtful whether the whole 
pentathlon was gone through each time. According to Krause 
(" Gymnastik und Agonistik der Hellenen "), the Tpiayinos (viz. 
leaping, and throwing of diskos and spears) was obligatory in all 
cases, the running and wrestling being omitted occasionally. 

The most dangerous of all contests was the boxing-match 
(irvy /JL-Yj, Trvt;). In order to increase the force of the clenched fist 
each fighter (irvKTrjs) tied straps of bull's hide (fyzayTe?) round 
both his clenched fists, so as to leave only the fingers uncovered. 

The ends of these straps were tied several 
times round the wrists, so as to protect the 
/ artery in that place. Such was the older 
custom mentioned by Homer. The name 
of this covering was fjLeiKiyai, perhaps, as 
Krause remarks, because it caused a softening 
of the blow dealt with it (see Fig. 256, a). 
In other cases, strips of hardened leather, 
or even nails and lead buckles, were attached to these coverings, 
inflicting wounds at each well-aimed blow. The name of this 
dreadful weapon was a<pcupaL (see Fig. 256, b, taken from the 
statue of a fighter in the Villa Pamfili). The fingers there are 
put through a ring of metal or leather, while round the arm 
are wound numerous straps, to which is added a piece of metal 
resembling a shield. A still more dangerous weapon is exem- 
plified by the statue of a fighter in the Dresden Museum (Fig. 
257) ; perhaps we there see what the ancients called jiivpfjLi]Ke?. 
The fighters entered the " ring " perfectly naked. After their 
straps had been adjusted by experienced men, they chose their 
places. After the signal had been given, they began the 
combat with the upper part of the body bent forward, but 
with the throat drawn back so as to remove it from the grasp 
of the antagonist. Fig. 257, and many other statues and vase- 


22 5 

paintings, exemplify this position. All kinds of tricks were used 
by the fighter to tire out the antagonist and protect himself from 
"blows. Both hands were used alternately to deal blows, the 
unemployed arm being used to 
ward off attacks from the head, 
the chest, or the belly. Quick- 
ness and agility in changing the 
position were no less required than 
strength of muscles. Illicit means 
of gaining the victory were seyerely 
punished, as was also the int< a- 
tional killing of the antag-omst. 
Blows were chiefly aimed at the 
chest, temples, ears, cheeks, nose, 
mouth, and chin. The teeth were 
frequently knocked in, and the 
ears squashed, as appears from 
seyeral statues. Ear-cases of wool 
or leather {ajijipurribes) were used 
in the gymnasia and palaestra!, but 
not at public fights. Fighters of 
about equal strength and dexterity 
sometimes used to break their combat by short interyals of rest. 
Strongly contested fights, however, were generally continued 
without interruption till either of the combatants confessed him- 
self beaten by lifting up his hand. 

To conclude, we mention the irayfcparLov, a combination of 
wrestling and boxing. It was unknown in heroic times, and does 
not appear amongst public games previous to Olympiad 33. Straps 
were not used in it, as these would have impeded the motion of 
the hands in wrestling. According to rule in the pankration, the 
blow was not dealt with the clenched fist but only with the bent 
fingers. Otherwise all tricks and schemata of both wrestling and 
fighting were permitted, barring illicit means of weakening the 
adversary (KaKOfiayelv). 

53. After having considered the gymnic agones (aywv 
yv/JLviicos), we now come to the ittttlko^ aycov, i.e. racing in 
chariots and on horseback. Both these agones were considered as 
the highest and noblest kinds of public games. Horses and 


Fig. 2-57. 



chariots, of course, could be owned only by the richer classes, 
whence the fashionable character of these games. Firmness of 
hand and eye in directing the horses was the most important 
requisite of the art. The owners of horses, therefore, employed 
frequently substitutes at the chariot races (ap/daTfjXacTLa). The 
architectural arrangements (aphesis, goal, &c.) of the racecourse 
have been described in § 28. We add a few remarks about the 
chariots themselves. The two-wheeled chariot used by Homeric 
heroes, both in the racecourse and on the field of battle, remained 
in use at races during the historic period. The charioteer alone 
occupied it. (Compare our remarks about the battle-chariot, § 54.) 
The number of chariots admitted at one race most likely varied 
according to the width of the hippodrome ; in large hippodromes, 
like that of Olympia, the aphesis of which, on each side, was about 
400 feet long, it was, no doubt, considerable. The number 
of horses attached to each chariot was originally four of full-grown 
size (cpofjLo? lttttwv reXelwv), afterwards two (IWwi/ reXeuov 
ovvwpU). The first kind of race was introduced 01. 25, the second, 
01. 93. The occurrence of three horses is proved by the frieze 
of the Parthenon. After 01. 99, the custom of using colts (irtoKoi), 
either by fours or twos, was introduced. The use of mules in the 
hippodrome occurs only between 01. 70 — 84. The places of the 
chariots were decided by drawing lots. At a given signal the 
horses started simultaneously, animated by the driver's shouts, 
and urged on to the utmost speed by his whip (fiaaTiQ or 
goad (icevrpov) ; thick clouds of dust followed the wild race.* 
Just as in the foot-race, the course was either run through 
once, without returning round the goal (clkolpltztov) , or the 
chariots had to run back, as in the diaulos of the foot-race. The 
equivalent of the dolichos would be the running twelve times 
through the whole course with grown-up horses (hwheimro? 
(pofAos), as done at the Olympia, Pythia, and Isthmia. We 
also find, analogous to the ottXlt^p hpopios of the foot-race, a 
chariot-race at which both horses and drivers appeared in full 
armour. Usually, how T ever, the charioteers were naked, while 

* The mastix consisted of a short stick with a number of thongs attached to it 
(Fig. 259) ; the kentron was a long pointed staff similar to that used in southern 
Italy and Spain at the present day. Sometimes rattles were attached to the point 
of the kentron (see Miiller, "Denkmaler," Part I. No. 91 b). 



tlie horses were harnessed as lightly as possible. Great danger 
of upsetting, or even smashing, the chariot was incurred in 
going round the goal, not to speak of many other inconveniences 
connected with the imperfect levelling of the course. Nestor 
refers to the former danger in the instruction addressed to his 

Chariot races have been frequently the subjects both of 
sculpture and painting. A wall-painting in an Etruscan grave- 
chamber (Fig. 258) illustrates the preparation for the race. On 
the left a charioteer drives his biga into the racecourse, while an 
expert seems to examine the horses of the next-following chariot 
before admitting it to the hippodrome. On the right, two horses 
are put to a chariot by two servants. Other monuments show the 

Fig, 258. 

chariots amidst the dangers of the race. In a vase-painting 
(Panofka, " Bilder antiken Lebens," Taf. III. 10) we see a 
running horse with the rein torn ; a wall-painting (Micali, 
" L'ltalia avanti il dominio dei Pomani," Atlas, Tav. 70) shows a 
chariot smashed by the kicking horses, while the charioteer is 
thrown up into the air (see also the representation of Circensic 
games on a mosaic floor at Lyons, § 104). 

We now have to consider the races on horseback {lirTTolpofiia). 
The art of riding, as applied to both warfare and racing, belongs 
essentially to historic times, when the Homeric chariot began to 
disappear from the field of battle. Only barbarous nations retained 
the chariot as an implement of war. In horse-racing we also meet 
with the distinction between grown-up horses (imrtt) KeKrjTi) and 
colts (fce\r]Ti 7rwXco), the race with the former dating from 01. 33, 
that with the latter from 01. 131. The rules of horse-racing were 
most likely identical with those of chariot-racing. The turning round 
the goal in the former was much less dangerous than in the latter ; 
but accidents, nevertheless, were not impossible, as appears from 
a vase-painting (Panofka, "Bilder antiken Lebens," Taf. Ill, 4), 

Q 2 



where a rider is dragged along the ground by his horse. The 
arrival at the goal is illustrated by a vase-painting (Fig. 259), in 
which the umpire receives the victor ; he is one horse's length in 
advance of his competitors. The so-called koK'kt] was a peculiar 
kind of race in which the rider, while racing round the course 
for the last time, jumped off his horse, and, holding it by the 
bridle, made for the goal. Something similar to the kalpe (which, 
however, was soon discontinued) occasionally took place at chariot 
races. Two persons, viz., the driver and the competitor, 

stood in the chariot. While the course was measured for the last 
time the latter jumped from the chariot and ran by the side of it, 
until very near the goal, when he jumped into it again, assisted 

Fig. 259. 

by the heniochos ; hence his name ano^an^ or avafidnp. At 
the Panathenaia this kind of race was most commonly practised, 
and the frieze of the Parthenon undoubtedly contains examples of 
it. There we see chariots with three horses, driven by charioteers, 
while warriors, armed with helmet and shield, run by the side of 
them, or are seen jumping into them. 

Amongst gymnastic exercises we also name the game at ball 
((xjxiipioTiKrj), greatly recommended by Greek physicians as 
strengthening the limbs, and, moreover, considered by the Greeks 
as a chief means of developing the grace and agility of the body. 
Boys and men, girls and women, practised it. It was played, 
like other gymnic exercises, according to certain rules which had 
to be learnt. At the gymnasia a separate place ((j(j)aipiaT}]piov, 



G(f)a[piGTpa) was reserved for it, where a teacher ((npaipiariKos) gave 
instruction in the art. The balls were of various colours, made 
of leather, and stuffed with feathers, wool, or fig-seeds. With 
regard to size the distinctions were — small, middle-sized, and very 
large, empty balls. The game with the small ball (/miKpa) was 
again divided into three classes, according as the smallest (cxpocpa 
fiLKpa), the slightly larger (6\tyw rovhe pLeigov), or the relatively 
largest ball ((j<fiaipLov fiet^ov Twvle) was used. The chief difference 
between games with the larger and smaller balls seems to have con- 
sisted in the position of the hands, which in the former were not 
allowed to be raised above the height of the shoulders ; while in the 
latter they might be lifted above the head. The explanations of 
ancient authors are, however, not very perspicuous. Our monumental 
evidence consists chiefly of women, in a sitting position, playing 
with one or several balls. For want of a Greek representation, we 
have chosen a scene from a Roman sphairisterion (Fig. 260). It 
is taken from a wall-painting in the thermse of Titus, in Rome. 
Three epheboi, superintended 
by a bearded teacher, are 
practising with six small 
balls. The position of their 
arms accords with the rule 
just mentioned. The a.7r6p- 
pa^L9 was another game with 
small balls. In it the ball 
was thrown on the ground in 
an oblique direction, and was 
caught by the other player 
after having rebounded several 
times owing to its elasticity. These bounds used to be 
counted. The players altered their positions only when the ball, 
in rebounding, had changed its direction. Another game with, 
the small ball was called ovpavla, in which the little ball was 
thrown into the air as high as possible, and had to be caught on 
falling down again. In another game, of Spartan origin, called 
eirlaKvpos or etjyyifiucr], the players were divided into two parties, 
separated by a line (aKvpov). Behind each party was drawn 
another line which they were not allowed to cross in catching the 
ball. The ball was placed on the skyron and thrown by a member 



of one party towards the other party, who had to catch it, and throw 
it back. As soon as either party were driven back behind their 
boundary-line the game was ended. About the games with large 
and very large balls we are instructed less fully. They were 
thrown with considerable force, and had to be caught and thrown 
back by the antagonist with his arm or the palm of his hand. A 
similar game, played by young men in Italy at the present day, 
may be an antique reminiscence. Whether the game called 
(paivLvZa was played with large or small balls is uncertain. In it the 
player pretended to throw the ball towards one of his antagonists, 
but changed its direction unexpectedly. We know that the balls 
used in this game were holloW. We finally mention the game 
with the korykos (KwpvKOfiayja, KwpVKofioXla). From the ceiling 
of a room was suspended, down to about the chest of the player, a 
rope with a balloon attached to it, which latter was filled with 
flour, sand, or fig-seeds. The task of the player consisted in 
putting the balloon in a gradually increasing motion, and in 
throwing it back with his hands or chest. 

Bathing also may be counted amongst corporeal exercises. 
The warm bath as a means of refreshment after the day's labour 
is mentioned by Homer. In historic times, also, the beneficial 
influence of a bath, particularly before meals, was generally 
acknowledged by the Greeks, although they never cultivated 
bathing as a fine art like the Romans. The too frequent use of 
hot baths was rare amongst the Greeks. For warm baths, public 
and private buildings (fidXaveia Z^/jlogicl and t£ta) were erected ; 
certain rooms in the gymnasia were reserved for the same 
purpose (see page 106). To judge by the vase-paintings — our 
chief means of information with regard to the interior arrange- 
ments of baths — the ablution of the body was effected in bathing- 
tubs, constantly supplied with fresh spring-water (compare 
Gerhard's "Auserlesene griech. Yasenbilder," Taf. CCLXXVIL). 
In taking a sudatory or steam bath (7rvplai, TrvpLar^plai), the 
bather was seated in a tub, either standing free or let into the 
floor (irveXoi, liGajiivOoL, Homer). After the bath, cold water was 
poured over him by the master of the bath (fiaKavevs) or his 
assistants (irapayyTai) . To the bath an anointing - room 
(a\ei7rT})piov) was always attached, where the body was scraped 
and rubbed with delicate ointment. Here, also, the bather 



dressed ; at least, in earlier times. Separate dressing-rooms 
(aTrohvTrjpia) were a later addition. The peculiar arrangement of 
a bath for women, shown in a vase-painting, has been mentioned 

54. The games practised at the gymnasion were, to the Greek 
youth, a preparation for actual warfare ; this we shall now have 
to consider. Our chief attention will be directed towards the 
various weapons and pieces of armature. The different phases of 
Greek strategy we shall touch upon only in so far as they imply 
at the same time a change in the implements of war. The 
description of complicated war-machines, invented by the Greeks, 
we shall reserve for the Roman division of our work, seeing that 
the only illustrations of them appear on monuments belonging to 
the times of the emperors. 

Our knowledge of Greek arms, both from written and monu- 
mental evidence, is considerable. The preserved specimens, on 
the other hand, are few in number, the weapons made of iron 
being almost entirely destroyed by rust, the effects of which only 
bronze has been able to withstand. The stone weapons of the 
aborigines, found in Greece, we shall omit for the present, being 
chiefly concerned with the classic period of Greek antiquity. 
Vase-paintings and sculptures, our chief means of knowledge, 
must be used with great caution, owing to the fantastic exaggera- 
tions of archaic painters, and to the ideal treatment of sculptors, 
both of whom were prone to sacrifice realistic truth to artistic 
purpose. Moreover, our written and monumental means of know- 
ledge are not easily applicable to each other, unless we accept the 
specimens on the great monuments of Roman imperial times as 
equally illustrative of contemporary Greek armour. 

To give the reader an idea of the full armour (TravoifKia) of 
a Greek warrior, we will introduce him to the workshop of 
Hephaistos (Fig. 261), taken from a bas-relief in the Louvre. 
The god, dressed in a tucked -up chiton, is employed in adding 
the handle to a large shield which one of his satyr-assistants is 
scarcely able to hold. By the side of the master, another work- 
man is sitting on the floor, polishing a greave. On a stele near 
him are placed a sword and a cuirass, both in a finished condition. 
To the left of this group we see a furnace blazing with flames, and 
sitting near it a dwarfish figure, perhaps meant for Kedalion, the 



faithful companion of the god. 
gnomes of northern mythology. 

He somewhat resembles the 
In our picture he is looking 
with the eye of a 
connoisseur on a hel- 
met with a crest of 
a horse's mane. A 
satyr standing be- 
hind the furnace j est- 
ingly extends his 
hand towards the 
pileus of the old man. 
Flg- 26 L Supposing this to be 

an illustration of the lines in the Iliad descriptive of Hephaistos 
working at the armour of Achilles, we may consider ourselves as 
perfectly informed with regard to the outfit of a Homeric hero. 

As the chief weapons of defence we mention the helmet, the 
coat of mail, the greaves, and the shield. The covering of the head 
and the upper part of the body, to protect them from the weather 
and the enemy's weapons, originally consisted of the hide of wild 
animals. Thus the hunter's trophy became the warrior's armour. 
Herakles, the extirpator of ferocious animals, always wears the 
hide of the Nemaean lion as his attribute ; other warriors appear 
on the monuments with a similar head-dress. On an Etruscan 
box of ashes, the relief- ornamentation of which shows the combat 
between Eteokles and Polyneikes, one of the less important 
figures wears a cap of lion's skin (Fig. 262, a). The same custom 
prevailed amongst Germanic nations, and seems to have been 
adopted by the Roman standard-bearers and trumpeters, as is 
proved by the monuments of the imperial period. As a medium 
. between this primitive head-dress and the helmet of metal, we 
mention the leather cap (jcvverj), made originally of the raw hide 
of an animal. A cap of this kind is worn by Diomedes on his 
nightly expedition with Odysseus. It was close fitting, without 
crest or knob, and was made of bull's hide (icvver} ravpecij or 
k-arcurv^). Odysseus wore a similar head-covering on that 
occasion. His cap was entirely made of leather, lined with felt, 
and fastened with straps inside ; on the outside it showed the 
tusks of a boar, reminding one of the cap made of an animal's hide 
which we mentioned before. Dolon wore a morion made of otter's 



skin [Kwei] KTibevj). According to Homer, a cap of leather was 
generally worn by younger warriors ; Fig. 262, b, taken from a 
bronze statuette of Diomedes, may serve to illustrate its form. 
The casque of metal {Kpavo^, by Homer called Kopvs, or Kvver] 
ircvyycCkKos) was a further development of this form. It was semi- 
globular in shape, and made of brass. Gradually front, back, and 
cheek pieces, visors and demi- visors, were added ; a crest served to 
protect the skull. On a hydria of Vulci, showing the taking 
leave of Amphiaraos and Eriphyle, the hero wears a semi- globular 
helmet of brass (Fig. 262, c). 

Fig. 262, d, is taken from the group of the iEginetai at 
Munich. It represents the bowman, Teukros. His helmet 
protects the head to a much greater extent than that just 
mentioned. The semi-globular cap has been made to fit the 

a be d e f 9 

Fig. 262. 

back of his head, and to it have been added a neck-piece, of about 
the width of a hand, and a narrow front-piece. Still more perfect 
is the helmet worn by Telamon in the same group (Fig. 262, e). 
The difference consists in a small piece of metal to cover the 
bridge of the nose being added to the front-piece. Besides this, 
short cheek-pieces ((paXapa) have been attached to the sides by 
means of hinges, as appears from numerous vase-paintings ; these 
cheek-pieces could be turned upwards, which gave the helmet the 
appearance of a winged helmet. Still more protection is offered 
by the helmet in Fig. 262,/, found in the river Alpheios, near 
Olympia. Front, neck, and cheek pieces are made of one piece 
with the helmet, and completely cover the head down to the 
shoulders ; only mouth, chin, and eyes remain uncovered. The 
clvXwttis was another form of the helmet, lighter and more graceful 
than the one just described. The neck-piece is severed from the 
front-piece by an incision, and the latter has been developed into 
a complete visor,' with small slits for the eyes (Fig. 262, g). In the 
battle it was pulled down so as to cover the skull with the cap, 



and the face with the visor ; otherwise it was worn pushed back 
over the neck, so that the visor rested on the top of the head (see 
Fig. 263, b : a head of Athene, from the Villa Albani). Frequently 
the elegant Greek helmet appears without any front-piece, and 
with a broad border bent upwards (arecpavif), not unlike the open 
visor of a mediaeval helmet (see the head of Athene, Fig. 263, a). 

The leather cap, and frequently, also, the simple casque of 
metal, were without a crest (cpaXos, see Fig. 262, d, e, f). 
Hence the name a<pa\os applied to them. But Homer already 
mentions a heavy helmet of metal, with a crest proceeding 
from to|3 to neck, and covering the seam which joins the two 

a- b c d 

Fig. 263. 

sides of the helmet (Figs. 263, a, c, 264) : it served to protect the 
head from blows, and also to fasten the crest (\o0o?). Yase- 
paintings of the archaic kind also show this crest. To increase its 
power of resistance, it was frequently made of four layers of metal. 
Hence the name rerpcMpaXos, re-pa(pa\i]po?.* Holes or notches 
were made into the upper side of the phalos for the insertion of 
bunches of horsehair (mptou/ms) or feathers (Fig. 262, g). The 
Kvppa'xps cLKpoTaro^ mentioned by Homer ("Iliad," XY. 536) is, 
perhaps, identical with the 0aAo<r. "When the phalos was wanting 
the crest seems to have been fastened to the casque by means of a 
small tube (Figs. 262, g, 263, d). 

The helmets of the common soldiers were generally without 
ornaments, those of the officers only being decorated with figures 
or patterns ; the cap, visor, and stephane were frequently covered 
with these. The crest appears in many variations (Fig. 263, 
b, c), and sometimes was increased to overloading by the 
addition of feathers (Fig. 263, d). Decorated helmets of various 
kinds are generallv worn by the statues of Athene, Ares, and 
* According to Gobel's explanation ; see " Philologus," 1862, p. 213. 



several heroes ; we also see them on the head of Athene and various 
portrait-heads on coins and gems, — for instance, on cameos with the 
heads of Ptolemy I. and II., in the collections of St. Petersburg and 
Vienna. Fig. 263, c, shows the head of Athene from a silver coin of 
Herakleia ; Fig. 263, e, the head of Xeoptolemos, taken from a bas- 
relief, most likely of Roman origin, published by Orti di Manara. 

The second defensive weapon is the cuirass (Owpag). Pausanias 
describes its older form on speaking of the lesche painted by 
Polygnotos at Delphi. "On the altar," he says, "lies an iron 
cuirass of an unusual form, such as were formerly worn by 
the heroes. It consists of two iron plates, connected by means 
of buckles (irepovai), one of which covers the chest and stomach, 
the other the back. The former is called yva\ov, the latter 
7rpo{j))yov. They seem sufficient to protect the body, even without 
a shield." Pausanias here speaks of the solid cuirass (6wpa^ 
arabios or araro?) worn, in Homer, by the leaders, and, in conse- 
quence, frequently depicted in the older vase-paintings (Fig. 
264). We also refer to the figure of Teukros in the iEginetan 
group at Munich. This cuirass was made of 
strong plates, and went down only as far as 
the hips, where it either was cut off or had a 
curved border added to it. Later on the 
plates were made thinner, and more in ac- 
cordance to the lines of the muscles (see Fig. 
261). The chief difference between this and 
the older cuirass, besides its being lighter 
and more elegant, consists in the prolongation 
of the front plate over the navel. Altogether, 
it was more adapted to the altered warfare of 
later times. It was most likely worn only 
by officers. Pound the waist was worn a belt 
(£wGTi)p, £iov)]) over the cuirass, both to keep the parts of the 
harness together, and to protect that part of the body. It was 
fastened with buckles (in Homer, made of gold — oxV 69 XP^ Gei01 )' 
Odysseus wears a zoster of this kind over his jerkin, seemingly a 
leather one, on an Etruscan box of ashes (Fig. 265). Under the 
armour, but over the chiton, another broad belt, made of thin 
metal and lined inside (/jLLrpa), was usually worn. It is, of course, 
invisible in pictures, being covered by the armour ; but one 

2 3 6 


Fie:. 265 

Fig. 266. 

specimen of it (Fig. 266) has been preserved to us. It was 
purchased by Bronsted in Eubcea, and described by him in his 
pamphlet, "Die Bronzen von Siris." It 
consists of bronze, and is eleven inches long. 
On the inside fifteen larger and thirteen 
smaller indentures have been made which, 
on the outside, look like so many small 
semi-globes ; the hooks at each end served 
to attach it to the lining of the real belt. 
This definition of zoster and mitra explains, 
at the same time, Homer's description 
("Iliad," IV., 135 et seq.). 

We mention, together with the iron 
cuirass, the linen jerkin (XivoOwpi^) worn 
by Aias, the son of Oileus and Am- 
phios, in Homer ; and the iron chiton 
{yakKoyjTwv) . Both were tight-fitting, 
made of leather or linen, and had pieces 
of iron attached to them to protect 
the heart and the shoulders (Figs. 
265,267). A belt was added, to protect the abdomen. The shoulder- 
pieces tied to the belt or to the jerkin itself (Fig. 267) were, as 
appears from numerous representations, richly ornamented. The 
reliefs on two bronze shoulder-pieces, representing 
Aias fighting with an Amazon, are amongst the 
masterpieces of Greek art. Both are in the 
British Museum. The incorrect statement of 
their having been found on the banks of the Siris 
has given rise to the conjecture of their having 
been part of the splendid armour worn by Philip 
in the battle on the Siris. Notwithstanding the 
erroneousness of this supposition, their common 
name, the " Bronzes of Siris/' will probably 
remain unaltered. Both these light jerkins 
(said to have been introduced amongst the 
Athenian army by Iphikrates) and the cuirasses 
modelled after the lines of the body, had longer 
or shorter stripes of leather or felt attached to their bottom 
parts. These stripes consisted frequently of two layers, and 

Fig. 267. 



were covered with plates of metal (TTTepvyes). They served to 
protect the abdomen, and were, like the shoulder-pieces, frequently 
ornamented. (Fig. 267 ; compare, as an example of the older 
armour, the statue of a warrior on the stele of Aristion, in Over- 
beck's " Geschichte der griechischen Plastik," Part I., p. 98). 
Such Trrepvyes of smaller size were also attached to the arm-holes 
of the cuirass, to protect the upper arm. 

The coat of mail, consisting of a linen or leather shirt covered 
with iron scales, occurs at an early period. The large scales were 
imitated from those of a fish, the smaller ones from those of a 
snake ; hence the names 6wpa^ \e7nhcoT09 or (poXtiwro?, respect- 
ively applied to the two different kinds of armour.* Scale-chitons 
are worn, for instance, by Achilles and Patroklos on the vase known 
as the "Kylix of Sosias" in the Royal Antiquarium of Berlin. 
The Persian bowman amongst the iEginetai, generally called 
Paris, wears a tight- fitting armour of this kind. The cuirass of 
chain (6wpa% aAvaihoro?) is of late Roman date, and, most likely, 
of Oriental invention. 

The lower part of the leg was protected, even in Homer's time, 
by bronze greaves (Kvrjpuhes) covering the leg from the ankle to 
over the knee. They were made of flexible metal, and, in being 
put on, they were first bent back (Fig. 268) and 
afterwards placed round the leg, and their open 
sides bent together. They were tied across the 
ankle with beautifully wrought ribbons (e7r ivcpvpia), 
as is proved by some fragments of legs belonging to 
the ^Eginetan group, f They do not, however, 
appear on other monuments. Besides this, the 
greaves were fastened round the calf with buckles 
or straps. The putting-on of greaves is frequently 
depicted on vases. 

The principal weapon of defence was the circular or oval 
shield. The circular shield (aairls iravros efiwj, ev/cvicXos) — also 
called the Argive, or more correctly the Doric, shield (Figs. 269, a, 
b ; 270, b, c), owing to its being first substituted for the long 
shield by that tribe — was the smaller of the two, covering the 

* The fragments of a coat of mail have been found amongst the ruins of the old 
Pantikapaion. See " Antiquites du Bosphore Cimmerien," PI. xxvii. 
f These ribbons have been preserved on the restored figures. 


soldier from about the chin to the knee. As in battle it 
frequently had to be raised up to the helmet, an elastic cloth, 
made of leather or felt, was added at the bottom (haivi/ia 
Trrepoevra ?)* sufficiently strong to ward off blows and thrusts 
(Fig. 269, b). This cloth was of Asiatic invention, but adopted by 
the Greeks at an early period. The oval shield (gclkos), about 
A.\ feet long by over 2 wide, covered the warrior almost from head 
to foot (TrohiveKrjs, a/JufyifipoTos, Fig. 264). As mentioned before, 
the older long shield was soon changed for the round shield ; but 
the oval shield, although considerably shortened, occurs up to 

a very late period. Such 
oval shields as had semi- 
circular or oval incisions 
in the centre were called 
Boeotian (Figs. 264, 269, 
c, 270, a). The use of 
these incisions is not suffi- 
ciently explained ; perhaps 
they served as peep-holes. 
This form of the shield 
appears in the scutcheon 
of most of the Boeotian 
cities (see Fig. 270, a, 
from a coin of the Boeotian city of Haliartos) and numerous 
archaic vase-paintings. The outer surface of the shields was 
more or less bent. The older way of carrying the shield, slung 
over head and neck by means of a strap (reXa/dow) fastened to the 
inside of the shield, must have been very inconvenient. For the 
left hand there was a handle {iropirat;) inside the shield to direct 
its position. The Karians, according to Herodotos, improved this 
weapon considerably by introducing a band of leather or metal 
(oyavov), placed in the centre of the hollow for the upper part of 
the arm ; to which was added another handle for the arm near 
the rim of the shield (Figs. 264, 265, 270, c). Whether the 
TeKctfxwv was dropped entirely, or kept by — in order to carry the 
shield over the back on the march, as was the Roman fashion — 
seems uncertain. The straps fastened to a ring which occurs, 
together with the two handles, on the shield of Ares, in the Yilla 

* Compare Aristophanes, Aehon, v. 1088 : rd aTpwfxar w ttcu ci'yow tKrtjg avTridog. 

a he 

Fig. 269. 

a b c d 

Fig. 270. 



Ludovisi (Fig. 270, d), is undoubtedly a telamon. In the older 
round shield we often see, instead of the two handles, a broad bar 
(kclvwv) reaching from one rim to the other. Through it the arm 
was put, the hand taking hold of the thong of leather or cloth 
fastened round the whole inner edge of the shield (Fig. 270, b) . 
The numerous handles thus effected had the advantage of enabling 
the soldier to change the position of the shield in case one side of 
it was damaged. This mode of holding the shield belongs, most 
likely, to earlier times, being met with only on vase-paintings of 
the archaic period. 

The shield was made of bull's hides, and frequently consisted 
of several, sometimes of no less than seven, layers, sewed one over 
the other, with a metal plate fastened on the top of them by 
means of nails. These nails protruded from the rim of the shield 
like buckles (hjJxfxiKoL, Fig. 269, a) ; hence the epithet 6 /uL<pa\6ecr<jai 
applied to the shield by Homer. The centre boss, generally 
richly ornamented, and used to parry blows, was the omphalos 
kcut e^oj^rjv. The Greeks also had massive round shields of metal 
(7ra<y)(a\Kos acnes), which, owing to their weight, were soon 
disused. The beauty of some shield-decorations appears from the 
verses in the " Iliad " descriptive of the shield of Achilles made 
by Hephaistos, and from Hesiod's description of that of Herakles. 
The dreadful head of the Gorgon, lions (Fig. 269, b), panthers, 
boars, bulls (Fig. 269, a), scorpions, snakes, anchors, tripods, 
chariots, etc., appear frequently in vase-paintings as emblems 
(e7r[(77][ia, Giyieia) on shields, mostly with some reference to the 
character of the wearer. The shield of Idomeneus, for instance, 
showed a cock, in allusion to his descent from Helios, to whom 
that bird was devoted ; Menelaos's scutcheon consisted of the image 
of the dragon which had appeared to him in Aulis as a divine 
message. A similar emblem, on the shield placed on Epami- 
nondas's grave at Mantinea, indicated the descent of the hero 
from Kadmos; the shield of Alkibiades showed Eros throwing 
the lightnings. We also recall JEschylos's description of the 
shields of his seven heroes before Thebes. Besides these 
individual signs (olraa (jij/uLeia), there existed, also, national 
emblems of the different Greek tribes. This custom dates from 
the Persian wars. The shields of the Sikj^onians showed a brilliant 
S, those of the LakedaBmonians an archaic lambda y (whence their 



name, lambda, or labda), those of the Mykenians a M, those of 
the Athenians an owl, and those of the Thebans an owl or a 
sphinx. Inscriptions also occur ; on the shield of Kapaneus was 
written, irp))aw t:6\lv ; on that of Demosthenes, ayaOy rvyjj. 
Only one Greek shield has been preserved ; it is in the Museum of 

The Persian wars caused an entire change of Greek strategy. 
In the heroic age the valour of the individual showed itself in 
single combats ; in more modern times the hoplitai, i.e. the heavy- 
armed foot- soldiers, decided the battle. 
These warriors retained the Homeric oval 
shield, while the heavy iron cuirass was 
changed for leather or linen jerkins with 
iron plates ; helmet and greaves also were 
made of lighter materials. After the 
Persian wars we meet with light infantry 
as distinguished from the hoplitai. After 
the expedition of the Ten Thousand, the 
light infantry became an essential feature 
of Greek armies ; they were divided into 
yv/uLvrj-es, yvfivol, soldiers without any 
armour, and TreXraaral, 7re\TO(f)6poi, i.e. 
soldiers wearing a pelta as defensive 
weapon. They were destined to fight 
at a distance ; their weapons were, 
according to their national predilec- 
tions, the bow, the sling, or the javelin. 
The peltastai also wore a shield in the 
form of a crescent (TreKra). It was two feet long, made 

of wood or osiers, 
and covered with 
leather. It is said 
to have been of 
Thrakian origin. In 
vase-paintings the 
pelta is generally 
worn by Amazons, 

Fig. 272. 

Fig. 273. 

and a comprehensive knowledge of its more graceful forms might 
be gathered from the numerous representations of battles of 



Amazons. Fig. 271, from a beautiful marble statue of the 
Dresden collection, may serve to illustrate not only the pelta 
but the whole warlike costume of the Amazons in Greek art. 
This Amazon appears in a noble Greek dress ; more frequently, 
however, we meet with an Oriental costume, as worn, for 
instance, by an Amazon shooting with a bow (Fig. 272). Some- 
times the Amazons also wear the vaulted oval shield of the 
Greek soldiers ; on the above-mentioned bronze armour from 
Siris we see one with a small flat pelta in the shape of a disk 
with only one handle. Fig. 278 shows a peltastes from a sky- 
phos at Athens. The figure is of particular importance to us as 
being illustrative of the new mode of attack for foot-soldiers 
introduced by Chabrias. Cornelius JNepos, in his biography of 
that commander, says : Reliquam phalangem loco vetuit cedere, 
obnixoque genu seuto, projectaque hasta impetum excipere hostium 
doc Kit. 

The aggressive weapons of the Greeks were the spear, sword, 
club, battle-axe, bow, and sling. The spear 
(eyxps, hopv) consisted of a smooth shaft (in 
Homer's time generally made of ash- wood, 
fieiKivov) about 6 to 7 feet long, over the 
pointed end (mu\o?) of which an iron head 
(aiy^fjii), clkwk))) was drawn by means of a 
socket (auAos), and fastened to it with an iron 
ring {izopKip). The shape of this spear-head 
varies greatly ; it frequently resembles a leaf 
or a broad bulrush (Fig. 274, b, c, e,f), at other 
times it has a barb (Fig. 274, i) ; sometimes, also, 
it is exactly like the spear's head used by our 
modern lancers. To the other end of the shaft 
(especially in post-Homeric times) a " shoe " 
(aavpwT^p, Figs. 273, 274, /, g) was added, 
which either served to fasten the spear in the 
earth when not used, or supplied the spear's 
head in case this was broken. Smaller spears 
were used for throwing, longer ones for thrusting ; 
of the former, the Homeric heroes generally have 
two in their • chariots. Warriors in vase-paint- 
ings also generally- carry two javelins; it appears, however, 



on comparing these two spears on numerous monuments, that they 
were of unequal length, whence it may be concluded that the 
longer was used for thrusting, the shorter for throwing (compare 
the lances worn by Achilles and Aias in Panofka, " Bilder ant. 
Lebens," Taf. X., 10, and by Peleus in Overbeck's " Gallerie 
heroischer Bildwerke," Taf. VIII., 6). Something analogous to 
this unequal length of the spears we observe in the fact of the 
Roman hastati and principes being armed with the pilum or 

Besides these spears, of an average length of 5 to 7 feet, we 
find in vase-paintings others only 2 to 3 feet long, in which 
latter the iron part is equal to one-third of the entire length 
(see Overbeck, ibid., Taf. XIII., 1, and Taf. XVIIL, 3, in the 
latter of which the spear of Aias is still shorter, Fig. 274, I). 
The same custom of carrying several spears of unequal length 
was continued in historic times. The peltastai in Xenophon's 
army carried five shorter and one longer javelin, the latter 
having a strap (a<ynvXv], amentum) attached to it, whence the 
name /uLeaaykvXov, hasta amentata (Fig. 274, h). About the 
handling of these spears with straps opinions differed for a long- 
time ; both written and monumental proofs with regard to this 
point are, indeed, very scanty. Kochly was the first to treat 
the question comprehensively, illustrating it at the same time by 
means of practical trials (see " Verhandlungen der 26. Versamm- 
lung deutscher Philologen und Schulmanner," Leipzig, 1869, 
pp. 226-38). According to him, this weapon was adopted by 

the peltastai from the gymna- 
sion. It must be considered as 
a javelin, 2\ to 3 Greek yards 
{Ellen) long by |- inch thick, 
to which, in its centre of gra- 
vity, a leather strap was tied. 
The two ends of the strap were 
tied round the shaft several 
times and arranged in a loop, 
through which the fingers were put (hi^yKvXwjtievoi. Ovid, 
" Metamorph.," XII., 326 : inserit amento digitos). At the moment 
of throwing the spear the loop was pulled violently, by means 
of which the strap, in being unwound, conveyed to the spear a 



rotating movement, similar to that of the missiles of our rifled 
guns. Fig. 275 is the only existing antique representation 
illustrative of the use of this weapon. From a passage in 
Plutarch's " Life of Philopoimen," it appears that the ankyle 
remained attached to the shaft. That commander is hit by a 
spear in both thighs, and, owing to the force of the throw, the 
strap also is pushed through one thigh, which makes the extrac- 
tion of the weapon a difficult matter. 

The longest of all spears, called vapiacra, aapiaa, were used 
by the Makedonians. According to Greek authors they were at 
first 16, in later times 14 yards long, which, reckoning the Greek 
yard at 11 foot, would make 24 and 21 feet respectively. A 
spear of such length would have been unwieldy in the hands of 
the strongest soldier; we therefore agree with Rustow and 
Kochly (" Geschichte des griechischen Kriegswesens," p. 238 et 
seq.) in changing the " yards " of antique measurements into feet. 
With this modification we will quote the description by iElianus 
(" Theory of Tactics," c, xiv. et seq.*) of the Makedonian phalanx ; 
our conjectural reductions of the measurements are added in 
brackets. " Every man under arms in the closed phalanx stood at 
a distance of 2 yards (2 feet, meaning the distance from the chest 
of the man in the first row to that of the man in the second row). 
The length of the sarissa was, according to the original pattern, 
16 yards; in reality, however, only 14 yards (16 to 14 feet). 
From this the space between the two hands holding the spear 
= 4 yards (4 feet) must be deducted; the remaining 10 yards 
(10 feet) lie in front of the first row of hoplitai. The second row 
stands 2 yards (2 feet) behind the first, their sarissai, therefore, 
protrude by 8 yards (8 feet) from the front row, those of the 
third row by 6 yards (6 feet), of the fourth row by 4 yards (4 
feet), of the fifth row by 2 yards (2 feet) ; those standing in the 
sixth row are unable to let their sarissai protrude from the first 
row. The five sarissai in front of every man of the first row 
naturally are of fearful aspect to the enemies, while, at the same 
time, they give fivefold strength to his attack." 

Shorter than the sarissa, but still of considerable length, was 
the lance of the Makedonian cavalry. Representations of this 

* Compare iElianus, c. xiv., in " Griechische Kriegsscliriftsteller,'' erklart von 
Kochly und Rustow. 

R 2 



Fig-. 276. 

weapon are scarce. A silver coin of the Thessalian city of 
Pelina may serve to illustrate the arms used in northern Greece. 

On one side of the coin (Fig. 276) 
we see a horseman, covered with a 
Thessalo-Alakedonian felt hat, and 
armed with sauroter and sword ; the 
reverse shows a light-armed foot- 
soldier with the same kind of hat, 
and armed with a Makedonian round 
shield, a sword, and three short spears. The latter is perhaps 
meant for one of the hypaspistai, introduced into the Makedonian 
army during the reigns of Philip and Alexander ; the horseman is 
most likely a representative of the celebrated Thessalian cavalry, 
who joined the Makedonians as allies. 

The hunting- spear (olkovtlov) resembles, on monuments, that 
used by soldiers ; Fig 274, i, shows one with a double barb. 

The sword (^Icpos) was worn on the left side, about the height 
a 6 d - of the hip. It was fastened, by 

means of a loop (aopTijp), to 
a belt (reKa/awv) which was 
thrown over the right shoulder. 
The hilt (kwtttj, \a/3//), 4 to 5 
inches long, had no guard ; a 
cross-hilt (Fig. 277, a) some- 
times rounded (Fig. 277, d) 
serving to protect the hand. 
Hilt and blade were frequently 
made of one piece ; in more 
ornamental swords the blade 
was let into the hilt. The 
blade, sharpened on both sides 
(dfMp}]Kes, a/jL(p[yvov), was about 
16 to 18 inches long by 2 to 2-^ 
A scabbard (/roAeos, Fig. 277, e t), made 

wide * 

* A beautiful Greek sword, found near Pella in Makedonia, now in the Eoyal Anti- 
quarium of Berlin, has a blade 17 inches long, and a hand]e measuring 4 inches. 
The blade of another sword in the same collection is 19| inches in length, the hilt 
beirjg 4 inches long. The latter resembles perfectly our Fig. 277, d. 

f Sword and scabbard (Fig. 277 <?, d) belong to one and the same figure. 



either of leather or metal, covered the blade up to the hilt.* The 
sword of heroic times was, like most weapons, modified by the 
changed mode of warfare of a later period. According to Cornelius 
Nepos, Iphikrates increased, according to Diodoros, he doubled, the 
length of the sword-blades of the infantry of the line ; the hoplitai, 
however, retained the shorter sword of earlier times. Besides 
this straight sword, ancient writers also mention another, the 
Lakedsemonian sword (jjiayaipa) ; its blade was slightly bent on 
one, the sharpened, side, while the other side was blunt like the 
backs of our knives ; the end was pointed obliquely towards the 
back (see Fig. 277, c, and Fig. 277, b, in the latter of which the 
form of the handle indicates a curved sword inside the scabbard) . 
A third kind of sword, the blade of which is like that of a 
dagger, is repeatedly found on monuments (Fig. 277, a). Artistic 
ornamentation was chiefly applied to the hilt. The sword of the 
resting Ares in the Villa Ludovici has a hilt in the form of an 
animal's head (Miiller, " Denkrnaler," Part II., No. 250). 

To conclude, we mention the sickle, the most primitive instru- 
ment for cutting grain, the form of which resembles that used at 
the present day. For pruning of vines and trees, the pruning- 
knife (apny) was used. Kronos first applied 
it in the fight with his father ; the harpe 
(Fig. 278, a) belongs to an image of 
that god. The knife used at sacrifices to 
cut off the animal's head resembles the 
sickle. It consists of a straight blade with a 
sickle or hook-like addition near its end 
(Fig. 278, b). In exactly the same form 
the harpe appears in renderings of the 
myth of Perseus, who with this instrument a b c 
cuts off the head of the Gorgon (compare Fig. 278. 

Fig. 278, c, another form of Perseus's weapon). Barbarous 
nations used swords shaped like sickles, as appears from the monu- 
ments of imperial Borne. Battle-chariots with sickles attached to 
the wheels and axle-trees (Jbpeitav^opov apjxa) were also used by 
barbarians, but never by Greeks ; in the battle of Gaugamela fifty 
sickle-chariots were placed in front of the centre of the Persian line 

* The Eoyal Antiquarium of Berlin possesses a scabbard of chased silver, belong- 
ing to a dagger-like weapon. 



A wooden and an iron club (poiraKov, Kopvv^j), the former cut 
by Hercules from the root of a tree, the latter made for that 
hero by Hephaistos, are mentioned in the " Iliad.'' This weapon, 
however, was never introduced into the Greek army. Herodotos 
mentions amongst the weapons of the Assyrians in Xerxes' army 
clubs covered with iron buckles (poitaXa TervKtofieva a&Yjpts)) f 
reminding one of the maces, clubs, and flails of the middle ages. 

The battle-axe (/3ou7rA^, a^ivrj) appears chiefly in the hands 
of Amazons ; it is also carried by some of the heroes of the 
" Iliad," for instance, by Peisandros in the hollow of his shield 
("Iliad," XIII. 611 et seq.). The later Greeks 
Qjc> never use( i thi s weapon. In the East it seems to 

have been retained much longer ; even in Alex- 
ander's time two thousand Barkanian horsemen 
in the Persian army use battle-axes. Fig. 279, 
c, shows the oldest form of the weapon as used 
by the inhabitants of the isle of Tenedos, and 
depicted by them on their coins. Fig. 279, b shows a bill, d 
a double battle-axe, a and e fighting-hammers combined with 
axes — all found in the hands of Amazons, and all resembling 
mediaeval weapons of the same kind. 

We have to distinguish two forms of the antique bow (to^ov). 
The one, simpler and more easy to bend, consisted of a curved 
elastic piece of wood, the ends of which were turned slightly 

a b c d e 
Fig. 279. 

Fig. 280. 

upwards, for the purpose of fastening to them the string (vevpy)). 
This bow, called Skythian or Parthian, is frequently found on 
monuments. Fig. 280 reproduces a vase-painting in which three 



epheboi practise shooting with this bow. The aim is a cock 
placed on a column. Only in few Greek states archery was 
received amongst the gymnastic exercises, for which reason we 
have not mentioned it amongst the agones. "Whether the just- 
mentioned bow, or that called the Greek bow proper, was the 
older of the two, is difficult to determine. The simpler con- 
struction of the former seems to indicate its greater antiquity, 
although the Greek bow was universally used as early as the 
heroic period. As to the construction and manipulation of the 
latter, we refer the reader to Homer's graphic description 
("Iliad." IT., 105 et seq.). 

Like the lyre, this bow was made of the horns (2J feet long) 
of a kind of antelope (tt^u?), the growing ends of which were 
joined together by a metal socket (Kopwvif) ; on this the arrow 
rested; the other ends were tipped with iron, and to them the string, 
made of calf-gut, was tied. Including the socket, the Homeric 
bow must have been about 6 feet long, which allows 16 hands 
for each horn. To bend a bow of this kind required considerable 
strength. After being disused for some time it required greasing 
to recover its elasticity. At a later time these horns were imi- 
tated in wood, both because of the cheapness and the lightness of the 
material. The arrow (oioros, to?) consisted of a shaft (8oi/a£) 
2 feet in length, made of reed or light wood, and of a generally 
three-edged metal head 2 to 3 inches long, with or without a barb. 
The back end of the arrow was feathered. 
A notch (y\v(pls) was cut into the shaft 
where it lay on the string. The quiver 
{(paper pa, ro^oOqicyj) was made of leather or 
basket-work. It usually held nineteen or 
twenty arrows (Fig. 281). It was carried on 
the left side by a strap slung across the 
shoulders (Figs/ 272 and 280), and had a ' S ' " 
cover attached to it (Fig. 281, b, c). Sometimes both bow and 
arrows were kept in the quiver (Fig. 282), as is still the custom 
amongst Mongolians and Kirghis. Bending the bow the archer 
generally put one knee on the ground — -a position taken, for 
instance by the archer of the iEginetan group (compare Figs. 
272, 280). As early as Homer's time the Kretans were 
renowned as skilful archers. Kretan bowmen formed a peculiar 



feature of Greek armies up to the latest times, in the same 
way as Makedonian archers were a separate corps of the light 
infantry of Alexander the Great. Amongst barbarians, the 
Sky thians and Parthians were celebrated bowmen, both on foot 
and horseback, 

' The sling (a^evlovif) consisted of a strap, broad in the centre 
and narrowing towards the two ends. The stone or leaden bullet 
(fiohvfibis) was placed on the broader part of the strap; in 
throwing, the slinger held the two ends of the strap in one hand, 
and, after whirling the sling round his head several times, threw 
the bullet by letting go one end. In the " Iliad " the sling is 
mentioned only once as used by a Trojan ; it seems to have been 
of Oriental origin. Later on it seems to have 
been adopted by various Greek tribes, who had 
experienced its efficacy in the war with Xerxes. 
At first the Akarnarnians, afterwards the in- 
habitants of ^Egium, Patrae, Dymse, Rhodes, 
and Melos, were renowned as slingers. Accord- 
ing to Livy (XXXVIIL 29), the Greek sling 
consisted of three straps sewed together ; the 
precision of which it was capable even surpassed that of the 
Balearic slingers. The coins of the Pisidian city of Selge are 
the only Greek sculptures which represent slingers (Fig. 283) ; 
they frequently occur on Roman monuments.* 

The use of battle-chariots belongs to the heroic period. The 
warrior {^apa^aT^), standing by the side of the charioteer 
l^vloyos), was driven in front of the line to invite hostile 
warriors to single combat. When the strategic skill of the 
commander superseded the demands on his personal valour, the 
chariot was transferred from the battle-field to the hippodrome, 
where alone its original form was preserved. The description of 
the Homeric battle- chariot, therefore, to a great extent, also 
applies to the historic chariot of the racecourse. Notwith- 
standing the plentiful monumental evidence, many important 
points, as, for instance, the harnessing of the horses, remain open 
to controversy. The generic term for chariot was apjua ; its other 
name ti(ppos is a pars pro toto, the denomination of the body of 
the chariot being applied to the whole. The body of the chariot 
* Compare § 107 as_to the inscriptions on the missiles of slings. 



rested on two wheels {jpoyol, kvkXo) connected by an axle-tree. 
The small diameter (30 inches) of the former must be explained 
from the desire of preventing the chariot from being upset by 
the impediments of the battle-field, such as debris or dead bodies. 
The axle-tree (a^wv) was about 7 feet long, which, counting 1 
foot for the nave of each wheel, leaves 5 feet for the chariot ; 
a width sufficient not to impede the movements of the warrior. 
The nave (7fK\)fxv7], ^oiuikl^) contained in its opening (avpiy^) 
an inner ring {curapvov, yapvov, hearpov), while two other metal 
rings, one before, the other behind, the spokes (7rA?//xi/68eT09, 
Owpa^), surrounded it on the outside. The Homeric wheels had 
eight, those in vase-paintings generally four, spokes (KVijjjLcii, 
hence 0KTa.Kvi]fia). They were let into the four feliles (a^nces) form- 
ing the rim of the wheel (IVus). In order to prevent the wheel 
from falling to pieces a tire of metal (hdaawTpov) was added. The 
body of the vehicle {birepTepla, or hi(ppos proper) rested on the 
axle. To the axle a wooden frame (to 1/09, l/uavTwcris tov ti(ppov) 
was fastened by means of nails and pegs, and on this frame the 
boards forming the bottom of the chariot (Trrepva), elliptic in 
shape, were placed. Along the curved side of these boards rose 
the sides of the chariot (i^epi^pa^jjia, rappiov), frequently made 
of osiers in the manner of trellis- work (hence Homer's expression 
cl(j)po9 evirKeKTos) , and reaching on the side of the horses up to 
the knee of the charioteer, while towards the back it became 
gradually lower (Fig. 258). The upper rim (avrv£), made of 
wood or metal, was either prolonged towards the back in a large 
curvature (Fig. 258), or it was doubled all along the sides of the 
chariot (Fig. 284). Its form varies greatly in the vase-paintings. 
Its destination was, most likely, twofold ; the 
back part was grasped by the warrior on 
jumping on to the chariot, while the front part 
served for fastening the reins and the traces 
of the " wheel-horses " — an important point, 
hitherto unnoticed. The diphros was mounted 
from the back, which was open. The height 
of the sides in front was about 2 feet ; in the 
Roman triumphal chariot (an imitation of the Greek battle-chariot) 
it was increased up to about the chest of the charioteer. A cover 
of leather served to ward off missiles ; where it was wanting the 



Fig. 285. 

sides were composed of strong boards. Fig. 285, taken from a 
Roman relief, shows a chariot into which the corpse of Antilochos 

is being lifted by his friends. 

About the construction of 
vehicles for every- day use 
we know little. As some- 
what similar to the two- 
wheeled diphros, we mention 
the gig. The wheels resem- 
ble those of the chariot ; a 
seat for two people, with 
a back and sides to it, rests 
on the axle (Fig. 286). In 
another vase-painting (Grer- 
hard, "Auserlesene griech. 
Yasenbilder," Taf. CCXYII.) this seat resembles a chest ; on it 
a female figure is seated ; the driver sits at her feet close to the 
pole with his legs hanging down at the side, a 
position similar to that of modern Neapolitan 
coachmen. On a coin of the city of Rhegium we 
see a one-horse vehicle on which the driver sits 
in a cowering position. "We are ignorant of 
the names of these different forms of the gig. 
Fig-. 286. 'Air-tjvYi and ajua^a seem both to apply to four- 
wheeled vehicles of larger dimensions, used for carrying 
people and goods. The a/ma^a, for instance, served as bridal 
chariot, on which the bride was seated between the bridegroom 
and parachos, a circumstance which proves the greater width of 
the vehicle. On journeys, or as a means of enjoyment, vehicles 
were used to a limited extent ; walking, and riding on horseback, 
were deemed preferable. 

The pole (pvjjLos) of the diphros was firmly inserted into the 
axle ; its other end was bound with metal, frequently shaped like 
the head of an animal ; the ends of the axle-tree were frequently 
adorned in like manner. To the point of the pole the yoke 
(gvyov, made of ash, maple, or beech- wood) was fastened by 
means of a very long strap (gvyolea/jLov, Archaol. Zeitung, 1847, 
T. YL). 

The slipping off of the yoke was, moreover, prevented by 



a long nail (earwp) being stuck through the pole, and a 
ring (icpitcos) put over it. The yoke itself consisted of two 
wooden half- rings joined together by a transverse bar, which 
were put on the necks of the animals, the inner surfaces being 
stuffed so as to prevent chafing. To prevent the horse from 
shaking off the yoke, rings were attached to the curved parts 
which, by means of straps, were connected with the girths and 
the neck-straps (XeTrahva). Only the two horses next to the pole 
carried a yoke (whence their name gvy.101), the one or two 
additional horses running by the side of them being called 
(jeipcuoL ((T6Lpa(j)6poi, Trapaaaipoi, irapvjopoi) , or trace-horses, 
because they pulled by one trace only, fastened to the antyx of 
the vehicle and to the neck-strap of the animal. The harnessing 
of these trace-horses is illustrated by numerous vase-paintings 
(Gerhard, "Auserlesene griech. Yasenbilder," Tafs. 107, 112, 
122, 123, 125, 131, 136, and others). In one vase-painting 
(Taf. 102, ibidem) this mode of fastening the traces to the antyx 
has even been applied to the biga. Whether the yoke continued 
to be used at a later period remains doubtful ; Pollux, in his 
description of the harnessing process, does not mention it. With 
few exceptions (Fig. 258, compare Gerhard, " Ueber die Lichtgott- 
heiten," in " Abhandlungen der Berliner Akademie der Wissen- 
schaften," 1839, Tafs. III., 1, and IV., 2) the yoke is invisible 
on the monuments, owing to the harness of the yoke-horses being 
covered by the trace-horse nearest the spectator. The bridle 
perfectly resembled that now in use. The Greeks had names 
for the single parts of it, as, for instance, ^a\ivo9 for the bit, and 
Kopv(f)ala for the strap running from the bit upwards across the 
head. The reins were fastened to both ends of the bit. As is 
evident from vase-paintings, all the reins were drawn through a 
ring just above the pole ; they were held by the charioteer. 

About the warlike equipment of the horses and horsemen of 
historic times we know little ; monumental evidence is almost 
absent, seeing that the lancers occasionally met with on coins are 
very imperfectly armed. The citizen-horsemen in the Pana- 
thenaic procession on the frieze of the Parthenon are quite 
unarmed. As appears from this monument and various repre- 
sentations of horse-races (Fig. 259), saddles were not used in 
common life. Greek cavalry in battle used the saddle-cloth 



(eiptTTTTLOi/), fastened to the horse's back by means of a girth 
(eTTOYov). The horse of Alexander the Great in the Museo 
Borbonico (Miiller, "Denkmaler der alten Kunst," Part I., 
No. 170) wears a saddle-cloth. The ends of the cloth are there 
joined together over the chest of the horse by means of an 
elegant clasp ; the bridle is adorned with rosettes. Stirrups and 
horse-shoes were unknown to the Greeks. The rider jumped on 
his horse, making use occasionally of stones lying by the road, 
or of his lance. The horse was protected by pieces of armour for 
the head (Trpofierwni'bLov), the chest (irpoaTepvibLov), and the 
sides (irapa'TTKevpLC la) . In a fragment of a vase-painting (" Micali, 
Monumenti inediti," 1844, Atlas, PI. 45), a head-armour of this 
kind is depicted resembling a plate, which is fastened to the 
horse's head by means of iron bands. 

Almost all the battle-scenes on Greek monuments represent 
mythical subjects. Historical battle-scenes, as frequently found 
on Roman coins and triumphal monuments, are very rare. Of 
historic representations we mention the battle between Greeks and 
Persians on the frieze of the temple of Nike Apteros, at Athens, 
the mosaic known by the name of " Battle of Alexander," and 
the assembly of the nobles of Darius Hystaspis, painted on a vase 
in the Museo Borbonico (Gerhard, "Denkmaler und Forschungen," 
1857, Taf. CIIL). 

To conclude, we mention the trophy (rp67raiov) which, 
according to international custom, was erected from pieces of the 
booty, on the spot where the enemy had turned to flight {rpeirw, 
TpoTrrj ; rpoTraiov GT?]Gai, aryjaaaOai). Only in rare cases it was 
erected with a view to permanency ; as, for instance, the trophy 
placed in the temple-grove Altis by the inhabitants of Elis, in 
commemoration of their victory over the Lakedsemonians. As a 
rule, the trophy was temporary, and was fre- 
quently destroyed by the beaten party in case 
their defeat was not decisive enough to compel 
them to own it. The trunk of a tree, on 
which a complete armour has been hung, and at 
the foot of which pieces of booty have been heaped, 
appears as a tropaion on a coin struck by the 
Boeotians, most likely in commemoration of some victory (Fig. 
287). The commemoration of victories and victorious generals 



at home by means of votive offerings, monuments, and inscrip- 
tions, was of a more lasting kind, although the Greeks 
never indulged in the self- glorifying exaggerations of the 
Roman emperors. 

55. We add a few remarks about Greek war and merchant 
vessels. Many attempts at explaining the construction of 
antique ships have been made, but the mutual ignorance of 
seafaring men and philologists with regard to the technical 
terms of their respective branches of knowledge has, in many 
cases, led to bewildering confusion and wild conjectures. More- 
over, antique representations of ships — partly from the total 
want of perspective, partly from the omission of the most 
important details — are of comparatively little assistance to us. 
Graser has attempted a new solution of this important problem, 
which is amongst the most difficult tasks of antique research.* 
Following the researches of Boeckh (in his celebrated work on 
the Attic navy) with regard to the construction and rigging of 
Greek ships, Graser has expounded an entirely new theory of the 
dimensions and rowing apparatus of Greek vessels. His intimate 
knowledge of modern ships has been of considerable assistance to 
him. "We have essentially adopted the results of his investiga- 
tions in preference to all previous conjectures. 

We pass over the earliest attempts at navigation in hollow 
trees or on rafts. The invention of the art of ship-building, like 
that of most other arts, must be 
placed in pre-historic times ; gods 
and heroes are mentioned as its 
originators. A bas-relief in the 
British Museum (Fig. 288) shows 
Athene supervising the building 
of the Argo, in which Jason and 
his companions are said to have 
ventured on the first long voyage. 
Homer's descriptions of the interior Fig - - 288. 

arrangements of ships prove that at the time of the Trojan 
war the art of shipbuilding was considerably advanced. Rowers 

* Graser, " De veterum re Navali." Berolini, 1864. " Philologus," supplementary 
volume iii. part ii. — "Das Modell einer athenischen Fimfreihenschiffs Penteres, aus 
der Zeit Alexanders des Grossenim kgl. Museum zu Berlin." Berlin, 1866. 

f 1 



(20 to 52 in number), sitting on benches (jcX-iy^Ses) along the 
sides of the ship, beat the waves simultaneously with their 
long oars (Iper/jia} made of pine-wood. As in our sloops 
(Schaluppen) , the oars of the Homeric vessel were made fast 
between pegs ((tkclK/jlol) by means of leather straps (rjprvvavro 8' 
Iper/jLa rpoTTOLs tv lepixwTLvoiGiv), so* as to prevent their slipping. 
In case of a calm or of adverse winds the ship was propelled by 
the rowers ; the mast (Igtos) was placed in a case, or rather on 
props (taToboKrj), and kept in its position by means of ropes 
fastened to the prow and poop of the vessel. The sail (larlov) 
was attached to a yard (eirih-piov). Wind and oars were thus 
conj ointly made serviceable ; the helmsman (KvpepvrjTyjs) directing 
the course of the vessel by means of the rudder (7r-rjBa\ia) . The 
war-vessels sent against Ilion carried fifty to a hundred and 
twenty soldiers, who, undoubtedly, had also to act as rowers. Of 
the fifty men forming the crew of the smallest vessels, forty plied 
the twenty oars by turns, the others taking care of the rigging or 
acting as officers. The small draught of the vessels is proved by 
the fact of their being, without much difficulty, pulled ashore, 
where wooden or stone props (ep/uLara) served to keep them dry 
and protect them from the waves. 

The development of ship-building was undoubtedly due to the 
Greeks. The numerous natural harbours of the Greek continent, 
combined with the growing demands of intercommunication with 
the islands, and the colonies of Asia Minor and southern Italy, 
favoured the rapid growth of navigation. The continual wars 

Fig. 289. 

waged amongst the Greek tribes, and by them collectively against 
barbarians, necessitated the keejDing up of large navies. The 
Homeric vessel, most likely only a transport, and unfit for 
battle, was soon supplanted by war- vessels of larger dimensions. 
Besides flat-bottomed vessels, called, according to the number of 
rowers sitting on both sides, eUoaopoi, TpiaKovropoiy'KevT^KovTopoi 



(Fig. 289), and eKcurovTopoi, we also hear of ships of greater 
draught in which the oarsmen sat in two rows, one over the 
other. During the Persian and Peloponnesian wars the fleets 
consisted of Tpirjpeis exclusively. Vessels with more than three 
ranks of rowers, such as TeTprjpeis and Trevrripeis, were first intro- 
duced by Dionysios I., tyrant of Syrakuse, after a Carthaginian 
pattern. Dionysios II. introduced e$;)]peis. Even six rows were 
not always deemed sufficient. Ten and (with a modification of 
the system) more rows were placed one over the other, the result 
being a surprising velocity and handiness of the vessels thus 
constructed. In the battle of Actium we hear of ships with ten 
rows ; Demetrios Poliorketes had even vessels of fifteen and 
sixteen rows, the seaworthiness of which is warranted by antique 

The construction of the war-vessel, as introduced shortly 
before the Persian wars, must now command our attention. The 
keel (rpo7rK, carina) consisted of one horizontal beam, parallel 
to the longitudinal axis of the vessel ; in older ships it rose 
from the centre to the ends in a wide curve. The large ships 
of a later period had keels composed of several straight beams 
joined together, into the ends of which stem (aretpa) and stern 
posts (aaavhiov) were inserted almost in a right angle, being only 
slightly bent outwards. Under the keel another beam (^eAusyxa) 
was placed parallel to it, so as to add to its power of resistance ; 
corresponding to this, a third beam (hpvo^ov) lay on the top of 
the keel ; into this, the ribs of the ship (lyKotXia, costce) were 
let. The upper ends of each pair of corresponding ribs, forming 
together one curvature, were joined together by means of a 
straight cross-beam (arpwr{]p), destined to carry the upper deck 
(KaraaTpw/jLa, constratum). The bulwark, enclosing the two long- 
sides of the latter, generally consisted of trellis-work. In larger 
vessels a second layer of boards (gvyov, transtrum), underneath 
the upper deck, was laid across the ribs of the vessel, destined to 
carry the second or lower deck (eZcupos, pammentum). The 
two decks communicated with each other and the hull (kolXov) 
by means of steps, hatchways being cut in the boards for the 
purpose. The hull contained the ballast and the pump. 

Both in the prow (irpwpa, prora) and poop (irplfjiva, puppis) of 
the vessel small half-decks (h-piM/ma), corresponding to our fore- 


castle and quarter-deck, were placed considerably above the upper 
deck. They rested on the prolongation of the ribs nearest to 
stem and stern. The poop and prow were essentially identical in 
construction, differing in this from all modern vessels excepting 
our latest ironclads. 

The planks of the vessel (o-avlhes) were strengthened 
externally by a wooden ledge (vo/neis) just above the water-line, 
corresponding to which a number of boards (apfiovlai, hea/nol) 
were placed along the ribs inside, so as to give firmness to the 
whole fabric. As a further means of increasing their compactness, 
war-vessels were provided with a band consisting of four stout 
ropes (vTro^wjULara) laid horizontally round the hull below the 
water-line ; in case of a dangerous voyage, the number of these 
ropes might be increased. These hypozomata are distinctly recog- 
nisable on a small bronze in the Antiquarium of the Royal Museum, 
Berlin (No. 1329), representing the prow of a man-of-war (com- 
pare the small bronze statuette of Poseidon, No. 2469 of the 
same collection). 

A little lower than the upper deck, just above the upper holes 
for the oars, a narrow gangway (jrapocov) runs along both sides of 
the vessel ; in woodclad vessels (h'arcKppaKToi, tectce) this parodos 
is protected by strong massive boards (see Fig. 300, representing 
a Roman bireme). Both stem and stern- 
post ended in a volute. The tent-like house 
(g(C7]V}'i) of the helmsman (Fig. 290) stood 
on the poop just underneath the volute. 
From this point he directed the two rud- 
ders (ttijcclXlov, gubernaculum) to right and 
left of the stern, which are peculiar to all 
antique ships, by means of a rope (yaXivos) 
running straight across the vessel. The 
rudders were always kept parallel (Fig. 
291). To the volute of the poop a leaf or 
feather ornament (a(j)Xaarpov, aplustre) has 
been added (Fig. 290). The prow frequently shows an ornament 
resembling the neck of a swan {^vigkos), which, perhaps, at the 
same time, served for fastening ropes. Between these two, the 
flagstaff (arrjKU), with the flag (arj/jLeTov) attached to it, was erected. 
In merchant vessels the flagstaff was frequently supplied by the 

Fig. 290. 



image of the protecting deity. Athenian vessels, for instance, 
carried the image of Athene as clttlkov Gf]fie?ov. The prow, as 
we said before, exactly resembled the poop. Here, also, a strong 
wooden band encircled the vessel on a level 
with the parodos. The point where the 
outer ribs crossed each other was marked 
by a ram's head (TtpoefsfioKiov) made of 
bronze, and serving either as an ornament 
or as a protection to the upper part of the 
vessel. Underneath this, on a level with the 
water-line, was the beak (ejjL^oKov, rostrum) % 
consisting of several rafters let into the 
body of the vessel and ending in a point, which was made 
more formidable by the addition of a massive piece of iron 
divided into three blunt teeth of unequal length. Two beams 
(eTrwTihes), supported by props (qvrrjpLhes), protruded on both 
sides of the rostrum ; on these the anchors were hung up. The}^ 
also served to protect the vessel from the attacks of the enemy's 
beak. We finally mention an opening on each side of the prow, 
through which the cables were drawn ; these holes were bound 
with iron, and somewhat resembled eyes, whence their name 
6<p6aXiuLOL. The resemblance of a vessel thus constructed to a 
fish was not unnoticed by the ancients (see Fig. 289). Some- 
thing similar we meet with in the imitation of dragons in the 
vessels of the Norsemen, and in the construction of Chinese 

The beam of merchant-vessels was usually equal to a quarter, 
that of men-of-war to one-eighth or one-tenth, of their length. 
Hence the name vrjes fiaKpai {naves- longce) applied to the latter. 
A trireme was 149 feet long by 14 wide (at the water-line) and 
19 J deep. Her draught was 8 J feet, her tonnage 232. In the 
pentere the corresponding figures were 168 feet, 18 feet, and 26 J 
feet ; the draught being 11J feet, and the tonnage 534. 

The main-mast (lotos jmeyas) stood in the centre of the vessel. 
It was square-rigged (k-epaioi, antenna 1 ), and carried two sails 
(larla /meyaXa), one above the other, answering to our course and 
top- sail. Above these was another square sail corresponding to 
our topgallant -sail (hoXwv, dolon), and above that two triangular 
sails (oL7rapoi, suppara). Besides the main-mast there were two 



smaller masts (lotos UKareios), with two fore-and-aft lateen sails 
each, one over the other, which were important in tacking. 
Strong ropes supported the main-mast (stays, irporovoL ; back- 
stays, Ittltovol ; and shrouds, koAoi) and the two smaller masts ; 
thinner ropes served for lifting and bracing the yards, setting the 
sails, etc. 

Besides the ropes of the rigging, collectively called ofcemj 
KpeficiGTa, a war-vessel required various contrivances of a similar 
nature to protect her both against high seas and the missiles 
of the enemy. To this class belonged strips of tarpaulin 
(virofSKrjfjui) hung round the hull to cover the apertures for the 
oars, when these had to be pulled in owing to the roughness of 
the sea ; as also an awning (h-ara^X^ixa) suspended over the 
upper deck as a protection both from the sun and missiles ; a 
woven stuff was also pulled over the trellis of the bulwark 
(7rapap\r}uaTa, TrapappvpLctTa) to ward off darts and arrows. 

To conclude, we mention the anchor, the ship's ladder, the 
boat-hook, and the lead. The most primitive forms of the anchor 
( ay kv pa, ancora) were blocks of stone, sand-bags, and baskets 
filled with stones. Later, anchors in our sense, made of wood 
and iron, and essentially like those at present in use, were 

introduced. Their varieties are 
illustrated by Fig. 292 ; a, c, 
being taken from coins of the 
city of Tuder ; b, from one of 
Luceria ; d, of Germanicia Caesa- 
rea, and e, of Paestum. The 
from the pictures, has at the end of 
or immovable (a, b, d, e), to which 
cross-beam is underneath this ring* 

Fig. 292. 

antique anchor, as appears 
the stem a ring, movable 
the cable is fastened ; the 

, e). The flukes of the anchor appear in many varieties on 
coins. Those on the coins of Paestum (e) exactly resemble 

(c, d 

our modern ones. At the point where the flukes met a loop or 
staple (a, b, c, d) was attached to the anchor, to which a rope was 
fastened for the purpose of lifting up the flukes so as to make 
them catch. This could be done only where the water was not 
very deep. The cable (o^oivla ayh vpeia, ancoralia, funes ancorales) 
was wound round a capstan (arpcxpeiop), by means of which the 
anchor was weighed (see "Pitture d'Ercolano," t. ii., p. 14). 



Fig. 293. 

The cable ran through eye-like hawse-holes 011 both sides of the 
prOw. Each ship had several boat-hooks (kovtol) and ship's 
ladders (KXi/jLcucLhes, scales) . Fig. 293 and 
other monuments illustrate their use as bridges 
or gangways thrown from the side of the high 
vessel to the shore. As appears from a vase- 
painting (Micali, " L'ltalia avanti il dom. dei 
Roraani," Tav. 103), these ladders were secured 
to the rigging by means of ropes. Fig. 294, 
from a bas-relief in the British Museum, shows 
the lead (]8o\ts, Kora^eipar^p, perpendiculum) 
suspended on the volute of the prow. 

Fig. 295 shows a design of a triere, by means 
of which the mutual position in the vessel of the 
parts hitherto mentioned may be recognised : a is the periphery 
of the vessel at the water-line ; b, OaXajLurai ; c, gvyvrcu ; d, 
OpaviTCLL ; h, Trapohos ; % iKpla (forecastle 
and quarter-deck) ; k, Karaarpw/jLa; I, tTrw- 
Ti8e? ; m, ami] piles ; n, ejm^oXov ; 0, point 
where the stern (areipa) begins ; p, aaavliov ; 


vos ; t, TTijcaXiov ; u, hiaippay/JLara. 

The interior arrangement of the antique 
ship, particularly with regard to the posi- 
tion and manipulation of the oars, is subject to many doubts. 
Here, also, Graser's investigation of the original sources, combined 
with practical experiments, has elucidated the question to a 
considerable extent. The rowing- apparatus (eyicw7rov) was con- 
fined to the centre part of the hull. Poop and prow were un- 
available, owing to their narrowness, and the former supposition 
of the uppermost rank of rowers having sat on deck has been 
completely abandoned, as has also the opinion that the space 
for the rowers was divided by horizontal partitions of any 
kind. The space for the rowers (gvywais) was enclosed on the 
one hand by the long sides of the ship, on the other by two 
vertical partitions (haxfipayfiara), with openings in them through 
which the rowers (tperai, nautce) filed off to their seats. The 
benches (<Vy«, transtra), reaching from the diaphragma to the 
side of the vessel, were arranged in rows of different heights. 

Fiar. 294. 



Owing to the outward curvature of the hull, the rowers in the 
lower ranks naturally sat nearer to the side of the vessel than 
« those in the higher. The width of seat 

;ji necessary for each man may be counted at 

8 square feet (Fig. 296). The benches 
were arranged so that the seats of the 
upper row were on a level with the heads 
of the lower. Fig. 297, a, shows the 
. arrangement of the ranks which, in a 
: manner, were dovetailed into each other 

■ (Fig. 297, b), in consequence of which the 

■ handles of the oars in one row required to 
be only two feet lower than those in the 
row above it. This arrangement, which left 

. sufficient freedom to the movements of the 

■ rowers, explains why, in many-ranked 
• vessels, the oars of the upper rows need 

not have been too long or too heavy to 
be plied by one man only. For Greek 
ships, unlike medieval galleys, had only 
one rower to each oar. In order to make 

■ this possible, the oar (kwit^, remits) was 
' balanced as much as possible, the weight 

of the part inside the vessel being in- 
creased by the thickness of the handle and 
additional pieces of lead, so as to make 
it quite as heavy or even a little heavier 
than the outer part. Besides this, the 
aperture for the oar {Tpijjia, columbarium) 
was bound with metal, so as to reduce the 
friction to a minimum. The force of the 
beat of the different banks of oars on the 
water was made equal through the propor- 
. tion of the inner to the outer part of the 
oar being in the same proportion in all 
oars (at first, 1:2; afterwards, 1:3). 

As we said before, the rowers of each 
bank sat horizontally behind each other, 

© i = 


r - 

Fig. 295. 

the ranks themselves lying perpendicularly over each other. 


Sf 3 

Fig. 297 a. 

The number of these ranks determined the name of the vessel 
(Tptijprjs, triremis ; rerpijp}]^, quadriremis ; Trevr/jp)]?, quinque- 
remis ; &c) . In the triere the rowers of the bottom bank were 
called OaKa/jurai, those of the middle gvyircu, those 
of the top row OpaviraL ; in the pentere the rowers 
of the fourth row were called reTpypIrai, those 
of the fifth TrevT}] pirai. The distance between the 
oars of the same row was exactly 4 feet ; but they 
were always pushed 1 foot in front of the corre- 
sponding oars of the upper row (see Fig. 298, b, c, d). 
Beckoning the distance of the bottom row from the 
water-line, the thalamitai would have required oars 
of a length of 1\ feet. This length was increased by 
3 feet in each ascending row, which determines the 
length of the oars of the zygitai at 10 J feet, of the 
thramitai (the topmost row of the triere) at 13J feet, 
of the tetreritai at 16^ feet, of the penteritai (the 
top row of the pentere) at 19 J feet. The vertical 
distance of the handles of the oars was, as we said 
before, 2 feet (Fig. 298, a, b) ; but this distance 
was reduced to If feet by the curvature of 
the sides of the vessel (c, d) ; that between the 
apertures, seen from the outside, was, indeed, 
only 1J feet (/, g). The distance of the top row from the 
surface of the water in the pentere was only 8 feet, in the triere 
5j feet. For a ten-ranked ship this gives a distance of the 
apertures from the water of 14J feet, the length of the oar being 
34J feet. Even in sixteen-ranked ships, such as were built by 
Demetrios Poliorketes, the length of the uppermost oars could be 
reduced to 27f feet, so as to make the vessel 
seaworthy. This was done by making the row- 
locks more slanting. This explains the possi- 
bility of the forty-ranked state- ship built by 
Ptolemaios Philopator ; which, however, could 
be used only in smooth water. The uppermost 
oars were, according to Athenaeus, 57 feet long.* 
The celebrated state-ship of Hieron of Syrakuse was, however 
not a vessel of war, but of burden. 

* See Graser, < £ De veterum re Xavali, 

64—70, Tab. IT 



The number of rowers was increased by one in each, ascending 
rank. The number of the thalamitai, counting both sides, was 
54 ; of the zygitai, 58 ; of the thranitai, 62 ; of the tetreritai, 66 ; 
of the penteritai, 70. The triere, therefore, contained altogether 175 
rowers ; the pentere, 310. All these were under the command of 
the k'e\evGT)]s (hortator) and his lieutenant, the Ittottt//?. The 
rowing was accompanied by the rhythmical notes of a piper 
(rpiiipavXij^). The number of marines (e7T£/3aT0u) was compara- 
tively very small. An Attic pentere contained only eighteen of 
them, besides twenty-four sailors (vclvtcll, nautce). The small 
number of marines is explained by the fact of a Greek sea-fight 
consisting chiefly in endeavours to knock a hole into the enemy's 
vessel by means of the above-mentioned rostrum, or, at least, to 
break her oars in passing close by her. Everything, therefore, 
depended upon skilful manoeuvring. 

The building and equipping of vessels was done in military 
harbours, of which that of Athens is in the best state of preservation. 
It was separated from the commercial harbour, commonly called 
Piraieus, and was divided into three basins, cut nearly circularly 

Fig. 299. 

into the Piraieus peninsula. The centre one, Munychia, could hold 
twice as many men-of-war (viz. 200) as each of the two others, 
Zea and Kantharos. The docks (vewgoikos) lay round these basins 
close to the water, their openings being turned towards the 
centres or the outlets of the basin ; in them the ships, when not in 
use, were protected from the weather. Further back were 



situated the arsenals (gkevoQ fucvf), containing the fittings of the 
ships not in use ; the name for the whole dockyard was vewpia. 
The docks, or ship-sheds, generally contained one vessel each ; as, 
for instance, was the case in the celebrated harbours of Rhodes, 
Korinth, and Kyzikos, the latter of which could hold two hundred 
ships ; in Syrakuse, however, and some other places, each dock 
contained two vessels. Graser's measurements of the Athenian 
harbours have fully confirmed his above-mentioned conjectures 
as to the construction of the vessels themselves. Further confir- 
mation is derived from the bas-relief of an Attic Tpivjprjs 
acppciKTos, but KarcLOTpuiTos, in which, therefore, the uppermost 
bank of oars is visible (Fig. 299). 

As the Roman vessel resembles the Greek in most points, we 
will here add a few remarks about the former. The Latin terms 

Fig. 300. 

have already been given. As long as Roman conquests were 
limited to Italy, their navy consisted only of long boats {caudices, 
naves caudicarke) for river navigation, and of small sea- vessels as 
a means of intercommunication between the maritime provinces, 
not to mention the defence of the harbours. The Carthaginian wars 
necessitated the building of a powerful fleet. In a space of two 
months 130 penteres and trieres were constructed, after the pattern 
of a stranded Carthaginian pentere. The timbers were roughly 
cut, and the improvised sailors had to be trained on rowing-frames 
erected on shore ; but the foundation was thus laid of a fleet of 
triremes, quadriremes, and quinqueremes, commonly called naves 
longce. The Romans, differing in this from the Greeks, trans- 
ferred the mode of close fighting to their sea-battles. Two or 



four towers {navis turrita) and catapults transformed the deck into 
a castle, from which the marines began the fight with missiles 
till the vessels approached within boarding distance. The 
marines, therefore, were much more numerous on board 
Roman than Greek vessels. The quinquerenie contained 120. 
After the battle of Actium Eoman ship-building underwent a 
thorough change. That battle had been won against the Greek- 
Egyptian fleet of Antony, built according to Greek rules, chiefly 
by means of the ships of the Liburnian pirates, which had only 
two banks of oars and a very light rigging. In consequence, the 
Roman fleet was reorganised according to the same principle 
[navis Lib urn a). Besides men-of-war, larger vessels of burden were 
required ; these naves onerarice ((popraywyos vavs or orpdyyvKrj) 
were about three or four times as long as they were broad. 3Iany 
statements in ancient authors prove the quickness of voyage 
in those days. Balbilus went from Messina to Alexandria 
in six days (the French mail-steamers require 6 J days for the 
same distance). Valerius Haxinius sailed from Puteoli to Alex- 
andria lenissimo flatu in nine days, and the voyage from Gades to 
Ostia took only seven days, in case the wind was favourable ; that 
from Gades to Gallia ]Narbonensis (perhaps to Uassilia), three days. 

56. From the serious business of life we now follow the 
Greek citizen to scenes of merriment. "We mentioned before 
(§ 33) that the chief difference between the customs at the 
•meals of earlier and later periods consisted in the former being 
taken in a sitting," the latter in a reclining position {kcutclkKigis). 
The Kylix of Sosias, in the Berlin ^Museum, where the gods 
appear at their meal sitting on thrones in couples, may serve to 
illustrate the older Homeric custom. Only the Kretans pre- 
served this old custom up to a later period. Almost all the later 
representations show the men lying at their meals ; women and 
children, on the contrary, appear in an upright posture, the 
former sitting mostly on the further end of the kline at the 
feet of their husbands, or on separate chairs.* The sons were 
not allowed to recline till they came of age ; in Makedonia not 
till they had killed a boar. The women we occasionally 
see in pictures (mostly of later date) are probably hetairai 

* Compare the specimens collected by TVelcker, " Alte Denkmaler," vol. ii. p. 242 
et seq. 



Fiff. 301. 

(see Fig. 304). This, however, is different in Etruscan repre- 
sentations, where a man and a woman are seen reclining on one 
and the same kline. Aristotle says expressly that men and their 
wives used amongst the 
Etruscans to lie down to 
their meals under one and 
the same coverlid. ^ In 
Greece, also, a kline was 
generally occupied by no 
more than two people. Fig. 
301 shows two couches with 

an older and a younger man reclining on each of them, talking to 
each other in a lively manner. A cup-bearer is about to replenish 
their emptied goblets. Where three or four persons are seen 
on the same kline (see Fig. 304), we may suspect the introduction 
of a Roman custom into Greece^ 

The gorgeous arrangement and more refined cookery of the 
meals of latter days widely differed from the frugality of 
Homeric times. r Pieces of beef, mutton, goat meat, or pork, 
roasted on the spit, were placed by the maid-servants on little 
tables in front of the guests (see § 33) ; the bread was handed 
round in baskets; and at the end of the meal wine was drunk, 
which had been previously mixed with water in huge krateres. 
The use of knives and forks remained unknown, whence the 
custom of washing the hands (cntovtyaoOai) and drying them on 
a towel (yeipofjLdKTpov) provided for the purpose. Tablecloths 
and napkins were equally unknown. The latter were supplied by 
a peculiar kind of dough, which served to clean the fingers from 
grease. Sometimes temporary spoons were formed of the same 
material, to eat the more fluid victuals. Such is still the custom 
in the East. Greek cookery, even of a later period (not to 
mention Spartan frugality), is described as simple, if not poor; 
consisting chiefly of na^a (flat round cakes of barley, still 
eaten in Greece), various kinds of salad, garlic, onions, and 
pulse, whence the derisive expressions fiiKpoTpaire^oi or (pvXKo- 
rpwye? applied to the Greeks. The more refined tastes of Grecia 
Magna were only gradually introduced amongst the richer classes 
of Greece itself. Various kinds of fish and shell-fish, and different 
vegetables, gradually supplanted the huge joints of Homeric 



times. The meals were prepared by cooks hired from the market, 
or by Sicilian " chefs," who, in Roman times, were amongst the 
slaves of every rich Greek family. The menus which might be 
composed from the statements of ancient authors seem little 
palatable according to our notions ; but the rich and tasteful 
plate and other table-furniture described by us (§ 33 et seq.) give 
us a high idea of the elegant appearance of a Greek dinner-table. 

Another characteristic of the meals of later times was the 
addition of the uvjULirooiov to the meal proper (leiirvov). Deipnon 
was the name of the chief meal or dinner, about sunset; ak-pariajULa 
that of the breakfast ; apiorov that of the luncheon, about mid- 
day. In early times the meal was considered as finished as soon as 
the appetite was satisfied ; later, the drinking-bout, animated by 
conversation, music, mimic representations, and games, became the 
most important part of the meal. Wit and humour were displayed 
to their fullest advantage, for the Greek, differing in this from the 
more indolent Roman, took an active part in the various amusements. 

The removal of the dinner-table (cupetv, airaipeiv, liraipeiv, 
acbcupeiv, lh<pepeLV, fiaoTa^eiv ras rpaTTegas), and the simultaneous 
cleaning of the floor from bones, peelings, and other remnants of 
the meal, gave the signal for rising. Sosus, the artist, imitated in 
mosaic a floor, covered with such remnants and other rubbish, for 
the dining-hall of the royal palace of Perganion. 'At the end, as 
at the beginning of the meal, the hands were washed with scented 
soap {ajiTjyfxa or a/jLij/jLa) ; the meal proper then was closed by a 
libation of unmixed wine, which was drunk by all round to the 
good spirit (ayaOov haifiovos), or to each other's health (hyielas). 
A second libation (gttovIcli) introduced the symposion. Hymns 
and the solemn notes of a flute accompanied this libation, which, 
as it were, gave a sacred character to the beginning symposion. 

The dessert, called, in opposition to the rrrpwrai Tpaire^ai or 
heLirvov proper, hevrepcu Tpcnre^cu or Tpayvifiarra, later also 
tTTLCopTtia, tTricopTTLdfiaTa, tTricopTrioi rpciTre^ai, lirlleL'TTva, hr&ei- 
Trvlles, t7ri(pop}]iuLaTa, t7raU\ia, ywyciKebficvra, &c, consisted of 
about the same dainties as nowadays. Piquant dishes, stimu- 
lating the guests to drinking, were chosen in preference ; amongst 
cheeses, those from Sicily and from the town of Tromileia in 
Achaia were particularly liked ; cakes sprinkled with salt 
(e7TL7rauTa) were another important feature of the Greek dessert. 



Dried figs from Attika and Rhodes, dates from Syria and Egypt, 
almonds, melons, &c., and salt mixed with spices, were seldom 
wanting. Many of these dainties, as various fruits and Attic 
cakes shaped like pyramids, may be recognised in pictures lying 
on little tables in front of the topers. ' The drinking began 
simultaneously with the appearance of the dessert ; for during the 
meal no wine was servedy Unmixed wine (aKparov) was not as 
strictly forbidden to the Greeks as to the inhabitants of Lokri, in 
Southern Italy, where the law of Zeleukos made it a capital 
crime ; still, the diluting of the wine with water was an old- 
established custom in Greece. This dietetic measure, made 
necessary by the universal custom even amongst the lower classes 
of drinking the fiery wine of the South, was so common in Greece, 
that the contrary was considered as a characteristic of barbarous 
nations. Habitual drunkenness was exceptional amongst the 
Greeks, although occasional inebriation at symposia was by no 
means uncommon ; the severe Doric customs of Sparta and 
Krete for that reason forbade the post-prandial drinking-bout 
altogether. The wine was mixed with hot or cold water ; in the 
latter case snow was frequently mixed with the wine, or the filled 
vessel itself was put into a wine-cooler filled with snow. The 
mixture always contained more water than vine ; a mixture by 
halves (Tow Taw) was very uncommon. The proportion of water 
to wine was generally 3:1 (a mixture called by Athena?us 
in derision "frogs' wine" — fiarpayois oivoyoeiv), or 2 : 1, more 
rarely 3 : 2. This proportion, however, was modified by the taste 
of the drinker and the quality of the wine. Large krateres of 
metal or burnt clay (see the vessels standing on the floor in 
Figs. 302 and 304) were used for mixing the wine. From this 
large vessel the wine 
was poured into the 
goblets (phiale, kylix, 
skyphos, kantharos, 
karckesion, keras, and 
rhyton) by means of the 
kyathos or oinochoe 
(see the vase-painting, Fig. 302). Fig. 303 is taken from another 
vase-painting, in which the youthful cup-bearer there depicted 
approaches two girls on a kline with two kyathoi in his hands. As 



soon as the goblets were filled a king of the feast (fiaaiXevs, ctpx tt)V 
Tjj9 itooem, ovfmoGLapyos, eTrioTaO fios) was chosen. His election 
was generally decided by casting the dice, unless one of the 
topers chose himself. This ruler had to decide the right mixture 
of the wine, the number of goblets to be drunk by each guest, 
and the general rules of the feast (rpoTros Ti/9 irodews), which 
he occasionally had to enforce by penalties, The drinking 
was begun with small goblets, soon followed by larger ones, 

Fig. 304. 

which had to be emptied by each guest at one draught (aizvev- 
gtl or d/jLvarl TTLveiv) to the health of his right-hand neigh- 
bour. All this somewhat reminds one of the customs of German 
students at their drinking-bouts. The southern vivacity and wit 
of the Greeks gave a peculiar charm to these feasts, which, 
however, frequently ended in sacrifices to Aphrodite Pandemos, as 
is but too easily explainable from the presence of beautiful girls 
as singers, players of flute and kithara and cup-bearers. Fre- 
quently these feasts were held at the houses of celebrated hetairai.* 

* The presence of female slaves as cupbearers at these feats is proved by a bas- 
relief (Micali, "L'lt. av. il Dominio d. Eom." Atlas pi. 107), where a female slave 
fills the goblets of two couples reclining on couches, while three girls are playing 
on a flute, lyre, and syrinx, respectively. 



Fig. 304 represents one of these scenes, which in later times were 
undoubtedly of frequent occurrence, and have often been the 
subjects of vase-paintings. 

Jugglers of both sexes, either single or in gangs, were common 
all over Greece, putting up their booths, as Xenophon says, 
wherever money and silly people could be found. These fre- 
quently amused the guests at clrinking-feasts with their tricks. 
The reputation of this class of people was anything but above 
suspicion, as is proved by the verse of Manetho (" Apotheles," IV., 
276), in which they are described as the " birds of the country, the 
foulest brood of the city/' Their tricks were innumerable, and 
outvied in boldness and ingenuity those of our conjurors, barring, 

Fig. 305. 

of course, such as are founded on the modern discoveries of natural 
science. Male and female jugglers jumped forwards and back- 
wards over swords or tables ; girls threw up and caught again a 
number of balls or hoops to the accompaniment of a musical 
instrument ; others displayed an astounding skill with their feet 
and toes while standing on their hands. Rope-dancers performed 
the most dangerous dances and salti-mortali. In Rome even 
elephants were trained to mount the rope. Flying-machines of a 
construction unknown to us are also mentioned, on which bold 
aeronauts traversed the air. Alkiphron tells a story about a 
peasant who, on seeing a juggler pulling little bullets from the 
noses, ears, and heads of the spectators, exclaimed: "Let such a 
beast never enter my yard, or else everything would soon dis- 
appear." Descriptions of these tricks are frequent in ancient 
writers, particularly in the indignant invectives of the early 
fathers of the Church (compare § 100). Amongst the pictures of 



female jugglers in all kinds of impossible postures we nave 
chosen three. Fig. 305 shows a girl in short drawers and with a 
cap on her head, performing the dangerous sword-dance (h 
fiayalpa's KvfiioTav) described by Plato (" Euthymed.," p. 294) 
and Xenophon (" Symposion," § 11). It consists in her turning 
somersaults forwards and backwards across the points of three 
swords stuck in the ground. A similar picture we see on a vase 
of the Berlin Museum. Fig. 306 shows a female juggler dressed 
in long drawers standing on her hands, and 
filling with her feet a kantharos from a krater 
placed in front of her. She holds the handle 
i of the kantharos with the toes of her left- 
foot, while the toes of her other foot cling 
round the stem of the kyatkos used for draw- 
ing the liquor. A woman sitting in front 
of her performs a game with three balls, in 
Fig. 307. which the other artiste also seems to take 

a part. In Fig. 307 a girl, in a rather awkward position, is 
shooting an arrow from a bow. 

Of social games played by the topers we mention, besides the 
complicated kottabos, the games played on a board or with dice. 
Homer already mentions a game of the former class (7reTTe/a), and 
names Palamedes as its inventor ; of the exact nature of this 
game we know little or nothing. Neither are we informed of the 
details of another kind of petteia played with hve little stones 
^r)j<poi, on a board divided by five lines. The so-called "game 
of cities " (TroAets itcd^eiv) seems to have resembled our chess 
or draughts. The board was divided into five parts (woKei? 
or ywpai). Each player tried to checkmate the other by the 
skilful use of his men. Games of hazard with dice and astragaloi 
were most likely greater favourites with the topers than the 
intellectual ones hitherto described. The number of dice (icvfioi. 
KVpeidf Kv^evT}]pia, tesserae) was at first three, afterwards two ; the 
figures on the parallel sides being 1 and 6, 2 and 5, 3 and 4. 
In order to prevent cheating, they were cast from conical 
beakers (itvpyos, turrieula), the interior of which was formed 
into different steps. Each cast had its name, sixty-four of which 
have been transmitted to us by the grammarians. The luckiest 
cast, each of the dice showing the figure 6 (rph ei~), was called 


27 r 

Aphrodite; the unluckiest, the three dice showing the figure 1, 
had the names of "dog" or "wine" applied to it (kvmv, otvos, 
also Tpet<i iwfioi). Another game of a similar nature was played 
with the so-called astragaloi (aarpayaXoL, tali), dice of a lengthy 
shape made of the knuckles of animals. Two of the surfaces 
were flat, the third being raised, and the fourth indented slightly. 
The last-mentioned side was marked 1, and had, amongst many 
other names, that of "dog" (kvwv, cams) ; the opposite surface, 
marked 6, was called /cwos. The Latin names of the two other 
sides marked 3 and 4 were suppus and planus respectively. 
The figures 2 and 5 were wanting on the astragaloi, the 
narrow end-surfaces not being counted. The number of astra- 
galoi used was always four, being the same as in the game of 
dice. Here also the luckiest cast was called Aphrodite, with which 
at the same time the honour of king-of-the-feast was connected. 
Young girls liked to play at a game with five astragaloi, or little 
stones, which were thrown into the air and caught on the upper 
surface of the hand (TrevreKidlgeiu, TrevTaXiOLgeiv). This game is 
still in use in many countries. W e possess many antique repre- 
sentations of these various games.* Two vase-paintings (Panofka, 
"Bilder antiken Lebens," Taf. X. Nos. 10, 11) show soldiers play- 
ing at draughts. Astragaloi and dice of different sizes, some 
with the figures as above described on them, others evidently 
counterfeited, are preserved in several museums. Of larger 
representations we mention the marble statue of a girl playing 
with astragaloi in the Berlin Museum, and a Pompeian wall- 
painting (" Museo Borbon.," vol. v., Tav. 23) in which the children 
of Jason play the same game, while Medea threatens their lives 
with a drawn sword. The celebrated masterpiece of Polykletes, 
representing two boys playing with astragaloi, formerly in the 
palace of Titus in Pome, has unfortunately been lost. Another 
wall-painting (Millin, " My thologische Gallerie," Taf. CXXXYIII. 
No. 515) shows in the foreground Aglaia and Hileaira, daughters 
of Niobe, kneeling and playing the same game. 

In connection with these social games we mention a few other 

* Amongst the false dice of the K. Museum of Berlin one has the figure 4 twice 
over ; another was evidently loaded with lead.- Besides, there is a die in the shape 
of an octagonal prism ; the surfaces show the following sequence of figures : 1, 7, 2, 
6, 3, 5, 4, 8. 



favourite amusements of the Greeks. The existence of cock- 
fights (akeKTpvovofxayjia) is proved by vase-paintings, gems, and 
written evidence. It was a favourite pastime with both old and 
young. Themistokles, after his victory over the Persians, is said 
to have founded an annual entertainment of cock-fights, which 
made both these and the fights of quails popular amongst the 
Greeks. The breeding of fighting-cocks was a matter of great 
importance, Rhodes, Chalkis, and Media being particularly cele- 
brated for their strong and large cocks. In order to increase 
their fury, the animals were fed with garlic previous to the fight. 
Sharp metal spurs were attached to their legs, after which they 
were placed on a table with a raised border. Yery large sums 
were frequently staked on them by owners and spectators. Here 
again we see antique customs reproduced by various modern 
nations. The Italian game of morra (il giuco alia morra or fare alia 

morra) was also known to the ancients. 
In it both players open their clenched 
right hands simultaneously with the 
speed of lightning, whereat each has to 
call out the number of fingers extended 
by the other. Fig. 308, from a vase- 
painting in the Pinakothek of Munich, 
shows Eros and Anteros playing this 
game. It was called by the Greeks IolktvKwv e7ra\\a^i9, by the 
Romans micare digitis. (Compare similar representations in 
Arclueologische Zeitung, 1871, Taf. 56.) 

57. Mimetic dances were another favourite amusement at 
symposia. They mostly represented mythological scenes. A 
few words about Greek dancing ought to be added. Homer 
mentions dancing as one of the chief delights of the feast ; 
he also praises the artistic dances of the Phaiakian youths. 
This proves the esteem in which this art was held even at 
that early period. In the dances of the Phaiakai, all the young- 
men performed a circular movement round a singer standing 
in the centre, or else two skilled dancers executed a pas cle deux. 
Homer's words seem to indicate that the rhythmical motion was 
not limited to the legs, as in our modern dances, but extended to 
the upper part of the body and the arms. Perhaps the germs of 


mimetic art may be looked for in this dance. According to 
Lucian, the aim of the dance was to express sentiment, passion, 
and action by means of gestures. It soon developed into highest 
artistic beauty, combined with the rhythmic grace peculiar to 
the Greeks. Like the gymnastic and agonistic arts, the dance 
retained its original purity as long as public morality prevailed 
in Greece : its connection with religious worship preserved it 
from neglect. Gradually, however, here also mechanical virtuosity 
began to supplant true artistic principles. 

The division of dances according to their warlike or religious 
character seems objectionable, because all of them were originally 
connected with religious worship. The distinction between war- 
like and peaceful dances, called by Plato to woKe^i/toi/ eitos and 
to elpyviKov, is more appropriate. Amongst the warlike dances 
particularly ^adapted to the Doric character, the irvppiyil was tne 
oldest and that most in favour. It dates from mythical times. 
PyiThichos, either a Kretan or Spartan by birth, the Dioskuroi, 
also Pyrrhos the son of Achilles, are mentioned as its originators. 
The Pyrrhic dance, performed by several men in armour, imitated 
the movements of attack and defence. The various positions 
were defined by rule ; hands and arms played an important part 
in the mimetic action, hence the name yeipovofita also applied 
to this dance. It formed the 
chief feature of the Doric gym- 
nopaidia and of the greater 
and lesser Panathenaia at 
Athens. The value attached 
to it in the latter city is proved 
by the fact of the Athenians 
making Phrynichos commander- 
in-chief owing to the skill dis- 
played by him in the Pyrrhic dance. Later a Bacchic element 
was introduced into this dance, which henceforth illustrated 
the deeds of Dionysos. A fragment of a marble frieze (Fig. 
309) shows a satyr with a thyrsos and laurel crown per- 
forming a wild Bacchic dance between two soldiers, also 
executing a dancing movement ; it most likely illustrates the 
Pyrrhic dance of a later epoch. Of other warlike dances we 
mention the KapTrela, which rendered the surprise of a warrior 


Fiff. 309. 



ploughing a field by robbers, and the scuffle between them. It 
was accompanied on the flute. 

More numerous, although less complicated, were the peaceful 
choral dances performed at the feasts of different gods, according 
to their individualities. With the exception of the Bacchic 
dances, they consisted of measured movements round the altar. 
More lively in character were the gymnopaidic dances performed 
by men and boys. They were, like most Spartan choral dances, 
renowned for their graceful rhythms. They consisted of an 
imitation of gymnastic exercises, particularly of the wrestling- 
match and the Pankration ; in later times it was generally 
succeeded by the warlike Pyrrhic dance. Another dance, per- 
formed by noble Spartan maidens in honour of Artemis Karyatis, 
is depicted, Fig. 310. The chain-dance (ojo/xo?) belongs to the 
same class. It was danced by a number of youths and maidens 

Fig. 310. 

placed alternately in a ring, and holding each other's hands ; they 
each performed the softer or more warlike movements suited to 
their sex, so that the whole, according to Lucian, resembled a 
chain of intertwined manly courage and female modesty (compare 
Fig. 310). We pass over the names of several dances, of which 
nothing is known to us beyond their connection with the worship 
of Dionysos. In this worship, more than in any other, the 
symbolic rendering of natural phenomena was felt by the people. 
The dying throbs of Nature in autumn, her rigid torpor in winter, 
and final revival in spring, were the fundamental ideas of the 
Bacchic myth. The joy and sorrow expressed by the Bacchic 
dances were in a manner inspired by these changes in nature. 
This dramatic element in the Bacchic dance was the germ of 
theatrical representations. The grave and joyful feelings excited 



by the approach of winter or spring found their expressions both 
in hymns and choric dances. In the intervals between two 
hymns the choragos, disguised as a satyr, stepped forward, and 
recited in an improvised oration the feats of Dionysos, celebrated 
in the dithyrambos. His language was either serious or jocular, 
according to the facts related. Thespis, by distinguishing the 
actor from the chorus, and introducing a dialogue between him 
and the choragoi, initiated the artistic drama. The choruses sung 
at the Lenaia, the Bacchic winter celebrations, were descriptive of 
the death of Mature, symbolized by the sufferings of Dionysos. 
Tragedy owed its origin to them, while comedy was the develop- 
ment of the small rural Dionysia at the conclusion of the vintage. 
In the latter the phallus, the symbol of ^Nature's creative power, 
was carried in festive procession, surrounded by a crowd, adorned 
with wreaths and masks. After the Phallic and Ithy phallic songs 
had been sung, unbounded merriment, raillery, and satire became 
the order of the day. Our remarks about the Greek theatre 
will be limited to the decorative arrangement of the skene (as far 
as it has not been considered in § 30), and the costumes of the 

58. The assembled people in a crowded theatre must have 
been an imposing spectacle, in which the gorgeous colours of the 
dresses were blended with the azure of a southern sky. I*so 
antique rendering of this subject remains. The spectators began 
to assemble at early dawn, for each wished to secure a good seat, 
after paying his entrance-fee (OewpiKov). This, not exceeding 
two oboloi, was payable to the builder or manager of the theatre. 
After the erection of stone theatres at Athens, this entrance-fee 
was paid for the poorer classes by Government, and formed, 
indeed, one of the heaviest items of the budget. For not only at 
the Dionysian ceremonies, but on many other festive occasions, 
the people clamoured for free admission, confirmed in their 
demands by the demagogues. Frequently the money reserved 
for the emergency of a war had to be spent for this purpose. 
The seats in a theatre were, of course, not all equally good, 
and their prices varied accordingly. The police of the theatre 
(papcoipopoL, paj5cov\oi) had to take care that everybody took his 
seat in the row marked on his ticket. Most of the spectators 
were men. In older times women were allowed onlv to attend at 

t 2 



tragedies, the coarse jokes of the comedy being deemed unfit for 
the ears of Athenian ladies. Only hetairai made an exception to 
this rule. It is almost certain that the seats of men and women 
were separate. Boys were allowed to witness both tragedies and 
comedies. Whether slaves were admitted amongst the spectators 
seems doubtful. As pedagogues were not allowed to enter the 
schoolroom, it seems likely that they had also to leave the theatre 
after having shown their young masters to their seats. Neither 
were the slaves carrying the cushions for their masters' seats 
admitted amongst the spectators. It is, however, possible that 
when the seats became to be for sale, certain classes of slaves were 
allowed to visit the theatre. Favourite poets and actors were 
rewarded with applause and flowers ; while bad performers had to 
submit to whistling and, possibly, other worse signs of public 
indignation. Greek audiences resembled those of southern Europe 
at the present day in the vivacity of their demonstrations, which 
were even extended to public characters amongst the spectators 
on their entering the theatre. 

The frontage of the skene consisted in the oldest times of 
only one story, to which, however, several others were added 
when the development of the drama by Aischylos demanded 
a greater perfection of the scenic apparatus. According to 
Yitruvius, the skene was developed architecturally, like the 
facades of large buildings, and, like these, adorned with columns, 
architraves, and friezes. His statement is confirmed by the well- 
preserved skene of the theatre at Aspendos, which, however, was 
built after a Roman pattern (see the view and description of it, 
§ 84). According to Yitruvius, five doors were situated in the 
background, the centre one being called the gate of the royal 
palace [valves regies), most likely owing to the action of the 
antique tragedy generally taking place in front of a king's palace. 
The two gates to both sides of this led into buildings connected 
with the palace destined for the reception of guests, whence their 
name hospitalia. The two remaining doors, lying near the corners 
of the skene-wall and the wings of the stage, were called aditm 
and itinera respectively ; the former indicating the road to the 
city, the latter that to foreign countries. In theatres where there 
were only three doors, the latter names were applied to the two 
doors to the right and left of the valves regies. The chorus entered 



the orchestra through the parodoi ; the actors coming from home 
or foreign parts could therefore conveniently enter and retire from 
the stage by means of the steps ascending from the orchestra to 
the logeion. Immediately before the skene-wall, perhaps onty a 
few feet distant from it, was placed a wooden framework, across 
which the back scene was fastened. The doors in this piece of 
scenery corresponded to those in the stone wall. The back scene 
could undoubtedly be made to slide to right and left from the 
centre (scena duct His), so as to produce a change of scenery, which, 
as we shall show, could be made complete by the turning of 
the periaktoi. Whether the back scene consisted of only two, or, 
as is more likely, of four or eight, movable pasteboard partitions 
we must leave undecided. Lohde* says that, in order to make 
the parts of the back scene, pushed behind the periaktoi, quite 
invisible to the public, "slight frames of woodwork, covered 
with painted paper-hangings, were placed at the further end and 
to both sides of the pulpitum, which were immediately connected 
with the side wings of the stage-building." By means of 
these pieces of scenery the excessive length of the stage was 
considerably shortened — the remaining space being still quite 
sufficient for the few actors of the Greek drama. In order to 
cover the stone wall of the skene, the artificial wall alluded to 
had to be of considerable height. To give it firmness, a second 
wooden erection was placed several feet behind it, running 
parallel to it ; both were connected by means of cross beams, and 
rested on firm foundations, the remains of which have been 
discovered in the theatres of Herculaneum, Pompeii, Orange, and 
Aries, belonging, it is true, all of them to Roman times. 

Besides the back scene, two side scenes {irepLciKTOi, jjuiycival) 
existed in Greek theatres. They consisted of slight wooden 
frames in the form of three-sided prisms, covered with painted 
canvas. By means of pegs they could easily be revolved on 
their axis, so that always one of their painted surfaces was turned 
towards the spectators. Each of these three surfaces was painted 
in a different manner, and the changed position of the periaktoi 
indicated a total or partial change of locality on the stage. In 
case the periaktos to the left of the spectator was moved, the 

* "Die Skene der Alter." Berlin, 1860. 
vre have adopted in our description. 

The chief points of which investigation 


direction of the foreign road was supposed to be changed. The 
revolving of both periaktoi implied a modification of the back 
scene, an entire change of locality being thus indicated. The 
periaktos to the right of the spectator could never be turned by 
itself, for it indicated the position of home, which, as long as the 
centre scene was unchanged, naturally remained the same. The 
few changes of scenery occurring in the antique drama could 
easily be effected. To complete the skene, a kind of ceiling of 
boards was necessary, traces of which can still be distinguished 
on the wall of the skene of the theatre at Aspendos. On these 
boards stood the crane on which was suspended the flying 
apparatus (called fii]yav-{] in general, or more especially <yepavos, 
cuwpij/uLa, arpo(pe7ov, and y/uuarpocfciov). By means of it gods and 
heroes and spectres entered and left the stage, or floated across it. 
A floating-machine of this kind was also the 6eo\oyeiov, on which, 
for instance, Zeus, with Eos and Thetis, appeared in Aisehylos's 
Psychotasia. The upper conclusion of the stage was effected by 
means of a piece of painted canvas (h-arafiXiipLa) hanging down, 
which covered the woodwork of the ceiling and the machinery 
placed there from the eyes of the spectators. The Charonic stair 
we have mentioned before. Quite recently* a hollow, of the 
shape of a coffin, has been discovered on the stage of the Greek 
theatre of Azanoi in Asia Minor, just in front of the porta regia. 
This was undoubtedly the opening of the Charonic staircase. 
Whether the old Attic stage had a curtain seems doubtful : later 
a curtain {avKaia, irapaiiei-aGfia, originally called also TTpoGK^vLov) 
is mentioned. Perhaps it used to be parted in the middle, and 
the two divisions pushed behind the sides of the proskenion. 

An important part of the costume of the actors was the mask 
{TrpoGWTTov). Its origin must undoubtedly be looked for in the 
grotesque jocularities of the Dionysian worship. Disguises, the 
painting of the face with the lees of wine, afterwards with minium, 
or the wearing of masks made of leaves or bark, were customary 
from the earliest times. Thence the drama adopted its masks of 
painted canvas. It must be remembered that the antique actor 
was not so much the expounder of individual passion as the 
representative of the different phases and classes of society. The 

* Sperling, <c Ein Ausflug in die isanrischen Berge im Herbst 1862," in Zeitschrift 
fur all'jemeine Erdlcunde. New Series, XV., 1863, p. 435. 


expression of his face, therefore, was of much less importance than 
in the modern drama. K. 0. Muller justly remarks that types 
like Aischylos's Orestes, Sophokles's Aias, or Euripides's Medea did 
not demand the nuances of facial expression that would be expected 
from Hamlet or Tasso. Moreover the masks could be changed so 
as to render the more general gradations of passion. Owing to the 
large size of the Greek theatre, acoustical and optical means had to 
be applied to convey the words and movements of the actors to 
the more distant rows of spectators* One of the latter was the 
apparent increase of the actor's size by means of KoOopvoi and 
high masks. The development of the mask into a covering, not 
only of the face, but of the whole head with side and front hair 
attached to it (oyxos), was ascribed to Aischylos. Openings were 
left for mouth and eyes, the latter not being larger than the pupil 
of the actor, and the former only just wide enough to afford egress 
to the voice. This was the case at least in tragedy : comic masks, 
on the other hand, showed distorted features, and a mouth widely 
opened, the lips serving as a kind of speaking-trumjDet. Varieties 

a b c d e 

Fig. 311. 

of modelling and painting, combined with the numerous changes 
of hair and beard, tended to greatly modify the character of 
the masks. The parts of young or old men and women and of 
slaves had their characteristic masks assigned to them, all of 
which are enumerated by Pollux. All this tended to some extent 
to remove the stiffness of the mask. Figs. 311 and 312 show a 
number of masks found on monuments. Fig. 311 a, b, c, d are 
tragic masks, b, c being remarkable by their high onkoi ; d shows 
a female countenance with waving locks, e the ivy-crowned and 
nearly bald mask used in satyr-dramas. Fig. 312 illustrates the 
varieties of comic masks ; it would, however, be difficult to identify 
the masks described by Pollux on the monuments. The height of 
the onkos demanded a proportionate increase of the size of the 



body, which was effected by the actors walking on buskins 
(KoOopvos) (see Fig. 313, illustrative of a scene from a tragedy) ; 

Fie. 312. 

they also used to pad their limbs. The remainder of the actors' 
costumes was also to a great extent borrowed from the Dionysian 
feast, both with regard to shape and colour. 
Tragic actors wore chitones and himatia of 
light colour richly embroidered, and em- 
bellished by brilliant gold ornaments. In 
comedy the dress of daily life was essentially 
reproduced, with the difference, however, that 
the old comedy caricatured this dress by 
attaching to it the frequently indecent em- 
blems of Dionysian worship, while the 
later comedy retained the caricatured mask, but discontinued the 
grotesque costume of older times. The monuments contain only 

Fig. 313. 

Fig. 314. 

few representations of scenes from tragedies : scenes from the 
satyr-drama and the older comedy are, on the contrary, very 


28 r 

frequent. Only in very few cases, however, are we able to trace 
these scenes back to the dramas preserved to us. Fig. 314 
opens a view into the yop^tiov or hibaatcaAeLov of a poet or 
choragos before the performance of a satyr-drama. The aged 
poet seems to instruct some choreutai in their parts, and to call 
their attention to the masks lying before them ; a pipe-player is 
practising his music. In the background to the right an actor 

is putting on his costume 
with the aid of a servant ; 
his mask is lying by his side. 
A similar rehearsal of a satyr- 
drama is illustrated by a large 
vase-painting, in the centre 
of which Dionysos and Ari- 

Fiff. 315. 

Fig. 316. 

adne are reclining on a couch. A second female figure, perhaps 
the Muse, is sitting on the other end of the couch, by the side 
of which stand two actors (Fig. 315), one in the dress of 
Herakles, the other in that of Seilenos. The third actor, in the 
rich costume of an unknown hero, appears on the other side of the 
kline. The whole group is surrounded by eleven choreutai in a 
similar costume as those in Fig. 314. We also discover one 
kitharodos and one pipe-player, and the youthful master of the 
chorus. Fig. 316 depicts a scene from a comedy. Herakles, in a 
grotesque boorish dress, presents two Kerkopes, caught and 
imprisoned by him in market-baskets, to the ruler, whose mask 
resembles the head of an ape- — quite in accordance with the ape- 
like form of the imps. 

59. Agones, hymns, and choric dances were performed in 
honour of the gods ; sacrifices and prayers, on the other hand, 
established the immediate rapport between man and Grod. They 
were offered either to pray for a divine gift, as a successful chase, 



harvest, etc., or they were intended to soften the wrath of the 
gods in impending or actual danger, such as illness and storms. 
A thank-offering eventually followed the grant of these prayers. 
A third sacrifice was that of expiation and atonement for a breach 
of the law, human or divine. The mode of prayers and sacrifices 
varied with their motives ; but, before a man entered into 
intercourse with the deity, he had to undergo a symbolic process 
of external purification {Kadapjiol, IXcmj/jlol, reXerai). This was 
exacted not only from those who sacrificed, but from all who 
entered the precinct of a temple. Yessels with consecrated 
water stood at the entrances to such places, the sprinkling being 
done either by the person himself or by a priest. These lustra- 
tions were even performed in daily life, previous to acts in any way 
connected with religious ideas. The bridal bath described by 
us, the lustrations before feasts, the vessel with water placed 
at the door of a dead person for the use of the mourners on 
leaving the house — all these had the same significance. The 
contact with a dead body especially required a lustration, being 
considered as a taint which temporally prohibited the intercourse 
with the deity. Another kind of purification was that by fire 
and smoke. Odysseus performs a lustration with the steam of 
" curse-removing sulphur " (TtepiOeiwais) after the murder of the 
wooers ; the fire burning on the altar, and the torches carried 
at religious ceremonies, had the same significance of moral 
purification. The carrying of the new-born infant round the 
flames of the domestic altar has been mentioned before. The 
lustration with fire and water even extended to the garments 
and to the utensils used at sacrifices. Herakles purified the 
goblet with water and sulphur before sacrificing to Zeus ; Pene- 
lope took a bath, and dressed herself in clean garments, before 
sacrificing and praying for the safety of her son. To certain 
plants, such as myrtle, rosemary, and juniper, purifying qualities 
were ascribed. A twig of Apollinian laurel was supposed to free 
the murderer from his guilt. These purifications were also 
performed collectively by tribes and nations ; in Homer, for in- 
stance, the Achaioi "purify themselves and throw their stain into 
the sea." In historic times collective lustrations of cities after 
epidemics or civil wars are mentioned repeatedly. Epimenides. 
for instance, purified Athens after the Kylonian massacre. 


The act of purification was followed by the prayer. Plato 
says that it ought to precede every enterprise, great or little, 
and that for a virtuous man there is nothing better than keeping 
up the intercourse with the gods by means of offerings, prayers, 
and vows. Almost all important events or customs in the daily 
life, both of individuals and communities, were accompanied 
by prayers, consisting chiefly of old traditional formulas. Three 
gods — for instance, Zeus in conjunction with Athene and Apollo — 
were usually addressed together. In order not to offend the deity 
by omitting one of its names, certain formulas were usually 
added to the prayer, such as " whether you be a god or goddess ; " 
or, " whoever you may be; " or, " whether this or another be your 
favourite name." The Olympian gods were prayed to in an 
upright position with raised hands ; the marine gods, with hands 
held horizontally ; the gods of Tartarus, with hands held down : 
the latter were also invoked by knocking or stamping the foot on 
the ground. Kneeling was not a custom of the Greeks : when- 
ever it is mentioned amongst them, Oriental influence must be 
suspected. Only those craving protection used to embrace the statue 
of the god in a kneeling position, which is frequently represented 
on the monuments. Akin to the prayer was the curse against 
criminals : the Erinies were implored to execute it. Zeus Horkios, 
the revenger of oaths, punished the perjurer with his wrath. 
The solemn oath was taken on hallowed ground before the altar or 
statue of a god. The swearing person either touched these or 
immersed his hand in the blood of a sacrificed animal, calling, as 
in the prayer, usually on three gods as witnesses. This was the 
later custom : in Homer the heroes taking an oath raised their 
sceptre against the sky. 

Prayers were always accompanied by gifts, to propitiate the 
gods. They were either gifts for the moment, to be deposited on 
the altar or consumed by fire ; or they took the shape of votive 
offerings, which remained the property of the sanctuary. Gifts, 
as an old proverb says, determine the acts of gods and kings. 
Offerings of the former class consisted of the first-fruits of the 
field, such as onions, pumpkins, grapes, figs, and olives. Prepared 
eatables, such as cakes {ire^fxara, ireKavot) and other pastry, 
frequently in the shapes of animals, and in the place of real ones, 
were also offered to the gods. Eoasted barley (oivW, ov\o\vrai) 



was another common gift ; it was either thrown into the flames or 
sprinkled on the necks of the animals brought for sacrifice. A blood- 
less offering is depicted in Fig. 317. The laurel-crowned priest 
stands in front of the fire on the altar, throwing into it the barley 
which is presented to him by an attendant in a basket adorned 
with sacred twigs. On the other side another youthful attendant 
is holding a long staff resembling a torch, to the upper end of 
which is fastened some wool or oakum, serving most likely to 
light a fire. By other archaeologists this figure is explained as 
a neokoros with a besom of laurel branches ; a musician accom- 

panies the ceremony on the pipe. Libations formed an essential 
feature of sacrifices, just as they did at the meals of mortals. To 
some gods unmixed wine was offered ; others, for instance the 
Erinies, Nymphs, Muses, and deities of Light, received honey, 
milk, and oil. A libation of this kind is represented in the 
frequently repeated choragic bas-reliefs, where Nike pours the 
sacred beverage into a vase which is offered to her by the vic- 
torious Kitharoidos (Millin, "Galerie mythol.," PI. XYIL, No. 58). 

The choice of the animals to be sacrificed depended on the 
individual qualities of the various gods. The Olympian gods pre- 
ferred white animals ; those of the sea and the nether world, black 
ones. To Demeter a pig was sacrificed, to Dionysos a he-goat, 
because these animals destroyed the gifts granted to man by 
these gods. Heifers, sheep, goats, and pigs were offered in larger 
or smaller numbers, according to the wealth of the worshipper ; 


sometimes these different animals were promiscuously offered 
on one and the same occasion. In Homer sometimes twelve, 
at others ninety -nine, bulls are slaughtered together ; in later 
times we repeatedly hear of hekatombs of a hundred and more 
bulls being killed. The original custom of burning the entire 
animal gradually disappeared; and, even in Homer's time, the 
gods received only the haunches and small pieces of flesh as 
their share, the remainder being eaten by those present. These 
sacrificial meals, shared, as it were, by gods and men, became 
an integral part of the sacrifice ; only offerings for the dead, 
and the sacrifices on which lay a curse, were buried entire. The 
animals had to be strong and healthy, and their previous use for 
human purposes made them inadmissible ; only in Sparta, where 
luxurious sacrifices were altogether unusual, owing to Doric 
frugality, this absolute purity of the animals was less strictly 
insisted upon. 

For a graphic account of the sacrificial ceremonies, which 
remained essentially unaltered in later times, we refer the reader 
to two passages in Homer (Od., III. 436 et seq., and II., I. 458 
et seq.). 

The custom of gilding the horns mentioned by Homer was 
afterwards changed into adorning them with wreaths and tainiai. 
It was considered a favourable omen if the animal went to the 
sacrifice without opposition, or even nodded its head, as if 
consenting to its death. According to the sacrifice being for 
the Olympian or nether world, the head of the animal was bent 
upwards or downwards. Its throat was then pierced with a 
knife. Yase-paintings frequently show Nike in the act of 
sacrificing a bull. The animals, as well as the baskets and other 
sacrificial utensils, were adorned with twigs or wreaths ; the 
latter, or instead of them a woollen tie, were worn by the Greeks 
at all religious acts. Criminals only were forbidden to wear 
them, and were by that means excluded from sacrificial cere- 
monies. Barring a few representations not easily to be explained 
(e.g. "Museo Borbon.," vol. v., Tav. 23), Greek monuments, 
as a rule, illustrate only simple sacrificial acts, as the adorning 
of divine images or the offerings of gifts of various kinds : we 
therefore refrain from entering into details. To the sacrifices for 
the dead we shall return hereafter. 



The most brilliant exhibitions of religious worship were the 
festive processions. The Panathenai'a, in which the whole 
Athenian population took part, are rendered, on the cella frieze 
of the Parthenon, by the master-hand of Phidias. Theseus, who 
united the Attic komai into one city, was also named as the 
originator of this celebration of fraternity. At first only horse 
and chariot races took place, to which were added, in Peisistratos's 
time, gymnic agones, and, since Perikles, poetical and musical 
competitions. The performance of all these agones took place in 
the third year of every Olympiad, between the twenty-fifth and 
twenty- seventh days of the month of Hekatombaion. The climax 
of the feast — the procession — was held on the twenty-eighth day 
of that month. It moved through the streets of the city to 
the seat of the goddess, in the Akropolis. On the morning of 
that day the citizens of Athens, together with the peasants of 
the neighbouring country, assembled before the chief gate of 
the city, and formed themselves into a procession according to a 
fixed ceremonial. Kitharoidoi and auletai opened the procession ; 
the reason of this distinction being that the musico -poetical 
agones were those last introduced at the Panathenai'a. After 
them followed, in good order, citizens on foot, armed with spear 
and shield, and others on horseback. Next came the victors in 
the horse and chariot races ; the former riding on their horses, 
or leading them ; the latter standing on their splendid quadrigae. 
Priests, with their attendants, guarded the hekatombs to be 
sacrificed; old men, chosen for their dignified appearance, held 
olive-branches, from the holy tree of the Academy, in their hands 
(6aX\ocf)6poi) ; other distinguished persons carried the votive 
offerings destined for the goddess ; a select band of citizens' 
daughters carried baskets containing the utensils of the sacrifice 
(xavrfyopoi) ; while epheboi brought valuable plate, wrought by 
the most celebrated masters. After them followed the wives and 
daughters of the tribes protected by the Athenians ; the matrons 
holding in their hands oak-branches, the emblem of Zeus Xenios, 
so as to mark them as guests ; the maidens carrying the sunshades 
and chairs of the citizens' daughters (Gxutiij(p6poL, £t(j)po(f)6pot. 
The centre of the procession was formed by a ship resting on 
wheels, which carried, by way of a sail, the peplos of Athene, 
woven by Attic maidens, and richly embroidered, in which the 



old Xoanon of the goddess in the Akropolis was dressed. In this 
order the procession moved through the most splendid streets 
of the city, past the most celebrated sanctuaries where gifts were 
offered, round the rock of the Akropolis, entering, at last, through 
the celebrated Propylaea. Here the procession divided, to gather 
a^ain on the east side of the Parthenon. All arms were taken 
off, and hymns were sung to the goddess by the assembled crowd, 
while burnt-offerings blazed on the altars, and votive- offerings 
were deposited in the sanctuary. 

Although the frieze of the Parthenon-cella does not syste- 
matically render the procession, we can easily reconstruct it from 
the indications thus offered ; indeed, all the important components 
of the festive crowd appear in the different groups. According to 
Botticher,* however, the subject of the frieze is not the procession 
itself, but the preparations for it, such as the division, amongst 
the persons destined to carry them, of chairs, couches, and 
bolsters, which were kept in the Hekatompedon, and other pre- 
paratory arrangements. The various scenes represented are, 
according to him, divided both by space and time. Botticher's 
conjecture was started in contradiction to all previous archae- 

60. TVe now have to follow the Greek to his last place of rest, 
to see how the holy rites (ra U/ccua or ra vofiifia) are duly 
performed for him. To watch over the rights of the dead, and to 
do him the last honour, so that his spirit might not wander 
restlessly on the banks of Acheron, excluded from the Elysian fields 
— this was the beautiful Greek custom sanctified by the precepts 
of religion. Hence the pious usage of adorning the dead for their 
last journey, of burying them with becoming ceremonies, and of 
considering their graves as holy places not to be profaned. With 
the same view the bodies of those who died in foreign countries 
were brought home, or, where this proved impossible, an empty 
tomb, a kenotaphion, was erected in their birthplace. It would 
have been disgraceful to deprive even enemies of the honour of a 
burial, and it was the custom, after a battle, to interrupt hostilities 
till both parties had buried their dead. Solon's laws discharged 
the son from all obligations towards his father in case the latter 

* In " Konigliche Museen. Erkl'arendes Verzeiclmiss der Abgiisse antiker 
Werke." Berlin, 1871, pp. 188—228. 



had committed an immoral act against him, with the exception 
only of the duty " of," to use the words of Aischines, " burying 
his father according to prescribed custom in honour of the gods 
and the law. For he who receives the benefit is no more able to 
feel it." Only he who had betrayed his country or committed a 
capital crime was deprived of the honour of a burial. His corpse 
remained unburied, the prey of wild beasts, with no friend near to 
throw at least a handful of earth on it. On the other hand, an 
honourable burial (vtto twv eavrov eKyovwv kciXws kcu fieyaXoirpeTrw^ 
Ta(p)]vai) was, as Plato says in Hippias Maj., the most beautiful 
conclusion of a life prolonged to old age, and surrounded by 
wealth, health, and the esteem of men. 

We first turn to the burial rites of heroic times. The closing 
of lips and eyes of the dead was, as early as Homer's time, the 
first service of love (to yap yepas earl Oolvovtwv) on the part of 
the surviving relatives or friends. After it the body was washed, 
anointed, and clothed in white thin garments ; only the head 
remaining uncovered. Thus arranged, the body was placed on a 
kline, the foot end of which was turned towards the door of the 
house. Thereupon began the lament, for a specimen of which we 
refer the reader to the passage of the ' Iliad ' in which the death of 
Patroklos is announced to Achilles. The ceremonies performed 
at the couch of the slain Hektor prove the existence of a regulated 
lament for the dead at that time. We there hear of singers 
intoning chants of complaint (Opvjvoi), interrupted by the loud 
lamentations of Andromache, Hekabe, and Helen. The corpse 
was exhibited for several clays {e.g., that of Achilles seventeen 
days, that of Hektor nine), during which time the lamentations 
were renewed incessantly ; ultimately it was placed on the funeral 
pile to be given to the flames, numerous sheep and heifers being 
sacrificed simultaneously round the pyre. As soon as the funeral 
pile was consumed by the flames, the fire was extinguished with 
wine. The ashes, after having been sprinkled with oil and wine, 
were collected into urns or boxes of valuable materials. The urn 
itself was covered with gorgeous purple draperies, and deposited 
in the grave.* On this grave was heaped a high earth-mound, as 

* Eoss states that in the large graves of the Isle of Ehenasa (" Archaeolog. Aufsatze," 
i. p. 62) two different kinds of vessels containing ashes (dcrroOijicai) have heen 'dis- 
covered. The first kind consists of semi-globular vaees ((cdX7ri(,-) of thin bronze, 10 



examples of which custom we mention the grave-mounds raised in 
honour of Achilles and Patroklos by the Greek army. Agones 
and a festive meal concluded the ceremonies, as described by 

In early times the Attic burial-rites are said to have been very 
simple. The grave was dug by the nearest relatives, and the 
corpse buried in it ; whereupon the mound was sown with corn, by 
means of which the decaying body was supposed to be pacified. 
A meal, at which the real worth of the deceased was extolled by 
the survivors [nam mentiri nefas habebatur), concluded the cere- 
mony. The more luxurious habits of a later period made the 
great funereal pomps originally reserved for heroes a common 

Fig. 318. 

custom amongst all classes. Solon had to prescribe distinct burial 
regulations, by which the protracted exhibition of the dead and 
other abuses were forbidden. Upon the whole, however, the 
ceremonies described by Homer remained essentially unaltered. 
An obolos, being the ferriage (vavXov, hiva/a]) for Charon, was put 
into the mouth of the corpse ; the body then was washed and 
anointed by the relatives (particularly the women), and clothed in 
a white shroud. It was crowned with flowers and wreaths, also 
provided by the relatives, and thus prepared for the customary 
lying-in-state (TrpoOecris, 7Tpo-[6e(j6ai). This adorning of the 
corpse is illustrated by an interesting Apulian vase-painting, 
representing the crowning of the body of Archemoros (Fig. 318). 

to 12 inches in diameter, which, owing to their hrittleness, have heen fitted into marble 
cases with covers to them. Such marble shells, containing bronze vases covered with 
1 ust and partly destroyed, have been discovered in the graves of the Peiraieus. The 
second kind consists of square or round boxes of lead, also with covers to them. 



On a kline covered with bolsters and cushions is lying the body of 
Archemoros, who, when little more than a boy, had been killed by 
a dragon. Hypsipyle, the careless nurse of the boy, stands by 
the side of the bier about to put the myrtle-wreath on the curly 
head of the dead ; another, younger, female, standing at the head 
of the kline, holds a sunshade over the bier, in allusion, as 
Gerhard thinks, to the old notion that the light of Helios should 
accompany the dead to his dark house, a night-burial being 
considered dishonourable (compare Euripides, Troad., 446 : ]) 
kclkos kclkws ra^rjG^ vvktos, ovk kv y/jLepa). At the foot of the bed 
we observe the pedagogue, recognisable by his dress and the 
inscription over his head. In his left hand he is holding a lyre, 
in order, perhaps, to add it to the gifts destined to adorn the 
chamber of the dead. Under the kline stands a pitcher, the 
contents of which had undoubtedly served as a libation. Next 
to the pedagogue are standing two attendants, carrying on their 
heads tables, on which various vessels adorned with tainiai are 
placed. All these, as well as the splendid amphora standing on 
the ground, and the krater carried by an ephebos on the left, 
belong to the vessels which a pious custom deposited in the grave 
or on the funeral pile. At the lying-in- view of the corpse, which 
by Solon was considerably shortened, and of which Plato approved 
only as a means to prevent burying alive, the relatives and friends 
assembled to begin the lamentation. To avoid violent outbreaks 

of grief, such as described by Homer, 
Solon forbade a demonstrative beha- 
viour, particularly on the part of wo- 
men : the severe law of Charondas even 
prohibited all kinds of complaints at 
the bier of the dead. Frequently wo- 
men were paid on such occasions for 
singing woful songs accompanied by 
the flute. Fig. 319, taken from a bas-relief on an Etruscan ash- 
box, shows three women, most likely of this kind, at the kline 
of a deceased person ; a fourth seems to lacerate her face with 
her hands; a smaller figure, standing near the bier, whose raised 
arms indicate deep grief, seems to be the son of the deceased. 

After the lying-in- view of the corpse, the burial pixrper 
(tK(popa) took place early in the morning of the following day. 



The cortege was opened by a hired chorus of men chanting 
mourning songs (Op^vwool), or by a number of females playing on 
flutes (Kapivai), who were followed by the male mourners in grey 
or black garments and with their hair cut off. All these preceded 
the corpse, generally carried by relations or friends. The female 
mourners walked behind the bier : by Solon's law, however, 
women under sixty, unless the nearest relatives, were excluded. 
The old custom of burying those fallen for their country at the 
public expense is thus alluded to by Thukydides (II. , 34) : — 
''According to custom, the Athenians prepared a public funeral 
for those fallen in battle in this manner : three days previously 
they erected a tent, in which the remains of the killed lay in 
view ; every one there might bring offerings for his deceased 
relatives. At the funeral, the coffins of cypress-wood are placed 
on carts, one being assigned to each phyle ; in the coffin of each 
phyle the remains of those belonging to it are laid. An empty 
covered kline is carried for those missing, whose bodies have not- 
been recovered. Citizens and friends follow the procession, the 
women attending at the funeral with lamentations. The remains 
are buried in a public grave lying in the most beautiful suburb of 
Athens. This place is always used for burying those fallen in 
battle, with the exception of those killed at Marathon, who were 
buried on the spot, their courage being deemed worthy of that 
distinction. After the bones have been covered with earth, a 
wise and respected man, chosen by the citizens, pronounces the 
eulogium of the slain, standing on a tribune erected for the 
purpose." Funeral orations of this kind at the grave were in 
classic times usual at public funerals only* 

The choice of a place for the burial, and the ceremonies accom- 
panying it varied according to the means of the deceased and the 
customs among different tribes. In the earliest times the burial- 
places seem to have been in the houses of the deceased themselves. 
This immediate contact with the dead, however, being considered 
unclean, burial-grounds were prepared outside the city walls both 
at Athens and Sikyon. Sparta and Tarentum had burial-grounds 
in the city in order (as the law of Lykurgos has it) to steel the 
minds of the youths against the fear of death. Such burial- 
grounds lie along the roads outside the gates of almost every city, 
and yield the most important specimens of the grave-monuments 

u 2 

2 9 2 


described in §§ 23 and 24. The Athenian law forbidding monu- 
ments of greater splendour than could be completed by ten men in 
three days must have been often infringed. Private persons were 
allowed to bury their dead in fields belonging to them instead of 
in the nekropolis. That the burning of the bodies — at least, of 
the Greek nobles — and the preserving of their ashes were cus- 
tomary in the heroic age, is sufficiently proved by Homer. 
According to Lucian, the same practice continued to be the most 
usual amongst the Greeks ; recent investigations of numerous 
graves in the Attic plain, however, seem to prove that the 
burial of unburnt bodies in wooden or earthen coffins (Xapva^, 
Gopos), or in grave-chambers cut from the kving rock, was at least 
equally frequent ; according to Cicero (De Legg. 2, 22), the latter 
custom was even the older of the two. Most likely the wish of the 

Fig. 320. Fig. 321. 

deceased or his relatives, and also the greater or less abundance 
of timber in a country, decided the matter. The rocky soil of 
Attika, bare of trees, necessitated the burial in grave-chambers 
for the majority of the inhabitants. The expression Oam-eiv, 
applied to either kind of burial ; kalew signified cremation ; 
Karopvrreiv, interment in particular. Cremation became neces- 
sary particularly when the accumulation of bodies after a battle, 
or, for instance, after the plague of Athens, caused dangerous 
evaporations. The same process facilitated the transfer home of 
the remains of a person dying in a foreign country. 

After the burial the cortege returned to the house of the deceased 
and sat down to a meal {irepLbeuKVov), they being considered, in a 
manner, as the guests of the dead person. The first (rptVa), second 



(evan-a), and third (Tpiaica?) sacrifices at the grave took place 011 
the third, tenth, and thirtieth days after the funeral. The last 
concluded the mourning period at Athens, that at Sparta being 
still shorter. The tomb adorned with flowers was a hallowed 
spot where on certain days of the year oblations and libations 
were offered in memory of the deceased (tvayiufxa, tvayl^etp, also 
Xoat used chiefly of libations). 

Representations of this pious custom are common, particularly 
on the lekythoi, which, in a more or less preserved condition, are 
frequently found by the side of stelai, or amongst the remains of 
funeral piles. For it was the custom, particularly of the Athenians, 
to throw behind them the vessels used on such occasions, no 
utensil used at funerals being allowed to serve the wants of the 
living. Figs. 320 and 321 are pictures taken from Athenian 
lekythoi. The former represents a stele adorned at the top with a 
"meandering" ornamentation and 
crowned by a capital of coloured 
acanthus-leaves. A blue tainia has 
been wound round the stele. On 
either side a woman is approach- 
ing. She to the right of the spec- 
tator carries a large flat dish, on 
which stands a lekythos, with a 
tainia laid round it. The figure 
on the left carries a similar dish 
in her left hand, while her right 

hand holds a large flat basket, destined most likely for carrying 
flowers and cakes. The second picture, only partially repro- 
duced here (Fig. 321), represents the adorning of the tombstone. 
A crown of ivy and a lekythos containing the sacred oil are seen 
on the steps of the simple stele, round which a woman is employed 
in tying red tainiai, with lekythoi attached to them. Fig. 322 
shows Hermes Psychopompos gently leading a female shade to 
the boat of Charon, on her way to the thrones of Hades and 
Persephone, where stern judgment awaits her. 

Fisr. 322, 



61. The design of the Greek temple, in its highest perfection, 
was, as we have seen, a gradual development of the dwelling- 
house. This simple, necessary, and logical growth of artistic 
perfection would be looked for in vain in Roman sacred architec- 
ture. The numerous indigenous and foreign elements observable 
in the general development of that nation have produced a 
variety of forms in their sacred edifices which makes the 
methodical evolution of a purely artistic principle, like that of 
Greek architecture, impossible. It is true that all the forms of 
the Greek temple described by us also occur among the Romans ; 
at the same time essential differences occur, owing to the above- 
mentioned mixture of indigenous and Greek elements in the 
national life of the Romans. In speaking of the architecture of 
the Roman temple we therefore shall have to consider three 
points — viz., firstly, the requirements of the original Italian 
religion ; secondly, the introduction of Greek forms ; and, lastly, 
the reciprocal influence of Roman taste and culture on the forms 
borrowed from the Greeks, and the modification of the latter 
resulting therefrom. 

Concerning the religious ideas of the old Italian tribes, we 
have to bear in mind that their notions of the Deity did not 
approach the human type as nearly as did those of the more 
artistic Greeks. The rational and reflecting Romans considered 
the gods as the rulers of human affairs and the prototypes of 
human virtues. Even the names of the old Italian deities were 
identical with those of the particular phases of moral and 
physical life protected by them ; hence the symbolism and want 
of individuality of type in Roman mythology. The notion of the 
god as an idealized man into which the Greeks had developed 



the original symbolism of their religion was absent from the 
Roman mind. Roman deities, therefore, were not in want of a 
protecting dwelling. 

Nevertheless, statues of gods and houses for them occur 
amongst the Romans at a very early period, originating partly 
in the universal tendency of primitive nations in that direction, 
partly in the influence of Greek on Italian culture, which dates 
back to farthest antiquity. But whenever these houses are of 
purely Italian origin, their form differs essentially from that of 
the Greek temple. For to the desire of giving protection to the 
deity another purpose of no less, perhaps even greater, import- 
ance was added. 

For, instead of humanising their gods, the Romans were intent 
upon pointing out, in the strongest manner, the divine influence 
on human affairs. Hence their anxiety to know the will of the 
god so as to regulate their actions accordingly. This knowledge, 
however, they did not derive from the utterance of a god-inspired 
person, as was the case in Greek oracles ; the practical mind of 
the Romans was directed entirely upon obtaining from the gods a 
decisive Yes or No with regard to a particular action or resolution. 
Hence the development of augural science, which, by certain 
signs in the sky, as the flight of birds or the flashes of light- 
ning, determined the positive or negative decision of the divine 
will. The observation and explanation of these signs most likely 
belonged originally to the head of the family, in whom centred 
the authority with regard to both religious and legal questions. 
As social and political relations grew more complicated, and the 
prediction of the future itself took the form of a science, the 
function of an augur seems to have devolved, first upon the king, 
afterwards on students of the science, who took the official name 
of augurs, and formed one of the most important priestly colleges 
amongst the Romans. Individuals were allowed, and representa- 
tives of the State compelled, to consult the augurs on all important 

For the observations of these augurs a space in the temple 
had to be assigned, and protected against the intrusions of the 
profane. The Romans derived the origin of the science from the 
Etruscans, in whose theology, it is true, the limitation of the 
templum was determined in its minutest details ; it seems, how- 



ever, certain that the science itself was common to all old Italian 
tribes. The observatory of the augurs was originally a square 
piece of ground, enclosed in the simplest and, at the same time, 
most appropriate manner. The generic term for such a space was 
templum, from an old Italian root related to the Greek word 
refxveiv (to cut off, to border), whence re/xevo?, the Greek analogue 
of templum. In order to enable the augurs to decide the favourable 
or unfavourable character of the auspices, the ^ r 
space alluded to, and, in accordance with it, „_ 
the sky, was, by a line drawn from east to 


west (Fig. 323, e,f), divided into a day and jy £ 
night side ; a second line drawn through it 
in a right angle to the first, from north to 
south (g, h), marked the sides of the increas- 1 
ing and decreasing day, or of morning and ^ 
evening. The former line (e, f) was called 
decumanus, the latter (g, h) cardo. The whole space was thus 
divided into four equal rectangular regions. The augur stood 
in the point of section (decussis) of these lines, the regions 
taking their different denominations according to the lines. 
The cardo divided the space into a right or western half (a, g, h, b), 
called pars dextra, or exortiva, and into an eastern one (g, d, c, h), 
called pars sinistra. The former comprised the third and fourth 
(0 to 180°), the latter the first and second (180° to 360°), chief 
regions ; that is, the range of sight of the augur, when turned 
towards the south, comprised the south-east on the left and the 
south-west on the right. The decumanus, on the other hand, 
divided the space into a northern half (a, e, f, d), pars postica, 
lying at the back of the augur, and a southern half (e, b, c,f), 
pars antica, lying in front of him ; that is, the augur looking 
towards the east had the north-east on his left and the south-east 
on his right. Signs appearing on the left were always considered 
as lucky, those on the right as the reverse. This division of the 
templum into four chief regions was the common one in the 
times of Cicero and Pliny, the older rule being observed no more. 
The older division of the temple into sixteen regions originated 
with the Etruscans; it implied a close observation of the con- 
stellations. This division is of the utmost importance for the 
investigation of Roman temples, which, according to Nissen's 



clever researches, are by no means all built in the same direction.* 
The axis of the temple was directed towards the point of the 
horizon in which the sun rose on the day of the foundation-stone 
being laid, which coincided with the native day or chief feast of 
the god to whom the temple was dedicated. This point changes 
in Italy during the course of the year by 65 = , in consequence of 
which the Italian temples lie in almost all directions of the 
compass. The old Etruscan rule of building temples from north 
to south seems to have been adhered to by the Romans only in 
rare cases, as is proved by Mssen's investigations. As the 
Romans during their prayer always turned towards the east, the 
image to which their prayer was directed had to look westwards. 

The square form of the templum necessitated an almost 
identical shape of the temple-enclosure. In this respect the old- 
Italian, or as it was called by the Romans Tuscan, temple differs 
essentially from the Greek, the latter being an oblong with a 
depth almost twice as long as its frontage ; in the Tuscan temple 
the proportion of depth to frontage was 6:5. Xo examples of 
the Tuscan temple remain, it having been 
supplanted by the forms of Greek architec- 
ture ; but with the assistance of Yitruvius's 
description (iv. 7) we are able to gain a 
tolerably clear notion of its appearance. Fig. 
324 shows the plan of an Etruscan temple 
according to Hirt's conjectures. It strikes 
us at once that inside the cellae, which occupy 
about one-half of the whole area, no columns 
j^ e * are to be seen. The pronaos has four columns 
in front, the two corner ones of which cor- 
respond with the r//^rt-pillars. Two other columns are placed 
between these pillars. Peculiar to the Tuscan style is the slender 
smooth column seven diameters in height and tapering by one 
quarter. It has a base divided into two parts, viz., a circular 
plinth and a torus, of equal height, and a capital consisting of three 
parts, of equal height. This older form of the column occurs fre- 
quently in the decorative semi-columns of later Roman architecture. 

62. The design of larger temples was much more varied. The 
style seems to have attained its climax in the temple of the 

* Nissen, "Das Templum." Berlin, 1869. 

Tig. 324. 



Capitoline deities, which, according to Roman tradition, Tar- 
quinius Prisons intended for a national sanctuary of the Roman 
people. He chose for the purpose the highest summit of the 
Capitoline Hill, which, however, was found insufficient both with 
regard to size and level surface, and therefore had to be extended 
and propped by means of enormous substructures. In this 
manner an all but square area 800 feet in circumference was 
formed for the reception of the temple, either on the western 
("present site of the Chiesa Araceli) or eastern (present site of the 
Palazzo Caffarelli) summit of the hill. The undertaking however, 
both with regard to working power and expense, was so enormous 
that Tarquinius Priscus did not even begin the temple itself, 
which was brought nearer its completion only by Tarquinius 
Superbus, after (according to some writers) Servius Tullius had 
made efforts in the same direction. To the Republic was reserved 
the honour of completing the national sanctuary. 31. Horatius 
Pulvillus, who was consul together with P. Valerius Poplicola in 
the third year of the Republic, is said to have inaugurated the 
temple. It stood in its original form for 413 years, when it was 
totally destroyed by fire. 
It was rebuilt by Sulla, 
essentially unaltered with 
regard to the original 
measures and proportions, 
although modified as to 
architectural details, as ap- 
pears from Tacitus's expres- 
sion : " iisdem rursus ves- 
tigiis situm est" ("Hist./' 
iii. 72).* The description, 
therefore, of the later tem- 
ple by Dionysios of Hali- 
karnassos (iv.,pp. 251, 260) 
applies to some extent to the 
original Tarquinian struc- 
ture. Fig- 325 gives the 
plan, Fig. 326 the view, of the temple according to L. Canina's 

* It was again burnt down during the Vitellian riots, and rebuilt by Vespasian. 
After this new structure had also been destroyed by fire it was rebuilt, and inau- 
gurated for the fourth time, by Domitian. 



conjectural designs. In Fig. 325 we recognise the above-men- 
tioned divisions of the temple into a front and a back half, the former 
of which, turned towards the south, is enclosed by columns without 
a wall, while the latter contains under a common roof the three 
cellae of the Capitoline deities to whom the temple was dedi- 
cated. The centre cella belonged to Jupiter, the two smaller ones 
to left and right being assigned to Minerva and Juno respectively. 
By diminishing the dimensions of these two latter cellae, Canina 
has succeeded in making his reconstruction to some extent tally 
with that part of Dionysios's description according to which the 
temple had three rows of columns in front and only two on each 

Pig. 326. 

of the long sides. Differing from Dionysios, and not quite free 
from objection, is Canina's conjecture of there being only six 
columns in the facade, to which he was led by the representation 
of the Capitoline temple on Homan coins, where it undoubtedly 
appears as a hexastylos. At any rate the illustrations offered by 
us will give the reader a correct general notion of this and other 
temples with three cellae. For Fig. 326, old Eoman and Etruscan 
monuments have been consulted to determine not only the columns 
and their proportions, but also the beams and their ornamentation 
with tri glyphs and rnetopse. The statues on the gable were, accor- 
ding to Etruscan custom, of burnt clay. 



63. So much about the original Roman or Tuscan style of 
architecture which, as we said before, was founded on the require- 
ments of old Italian worships. The detailed rules given by Yitru- 
vius for the Tuscan order of columns remind one of Greek forms, 
and may serve to prove Greek influence on this as on other 
branches of earliest Italian development — an influence which will 
appear still more distinctly in our remarks about old Italian graves 
and wall- structures. 

In following the further history of Roman civilisation one 
observes this influence becoming stronger and stronger. During 
the times of the kings, to which the development of Tuscan 
architecture belongs, the relations of the two nations were of the 
simplest kind ; a conscious imitation of Greek customs cannot be 
thought of, least of all in Latium, the poverty and simplicity of 
whose inhabitants prevented a deeper- going influence in that direc- 
tion. This, however, was different in Etruria, the political security 
and greater wealth of which made it more susceptible to the 
charms of Greek culture. Hence the notion common amongst the 
Romans, although considerably shaken by modern science, of the 
Etruscans having introduced Greek culture to them. 

After the expulsion of the kings the influence of Greek on 
Italian manners begins to increase, The time when first the 
Roman people were enabled to model more fully their political 
and legal institutions coincided with the highest climax of Greek 
culture with regard to political, military, and artistic phases of 
development, No wonder, therefore, that over the whole Italian 
peninsula a new civilisation, akin to the Greek model, and 
fashioned after it, began to gain strength more and more. 
Etruria began to abound with Greek works of art, and even to 
rival those great models ; Apulia had, from the first, followed 
Greek examples ; in Lucania and Campania Greek language and 
Greek characters of writing prevailed to a great extent — the 
surest sign of mental affinity. Rome, which always must claim 
our chief attention, was, by its constitutional struggles and the 
warlike spirit of its inhabitants, prevented from receiving with a 
collected mind the germs of Greek civilisation. Nevertheless, the 
world-conquering power of this civilisation could not wholly be 
evaded, and we can look for no more striking proof of the 
civilizing mission of the Hellenes than in the fact of the Romans 



becoming more and more subjected to their genius, notwith- 
standing these unfavourable circumstances. 

This influence is recognisable in political no less than in legal 
and commercial matters. After the conquest of Campania, in the 
fifth century of the city, the knowledge of Greek institutions, 
formerly limited to individual statesmen and lawgivers, became 
diffused amongst wider circles. But, besides this strong and 
ever-increasing intrusion of Greek uses and (but too frequently) 
abuses, we have to consider another point of affinity which, from 
the very beginning of this new epoch, became more and more 
important, particularly as far as sacred architecture is concerned. 

We are alluding to the old religious connections between 
Greece and Borne, which remained unobliterated in the conscious- 
ness of the two nations — the signs, as it were, of a common origin, 
and which led to continued intercourse. The want of personality 
in the old Italian myths was thus supplied from the rich stores of 
Greek mythological lore, and the worships of certain gods were, 
by public authority, transferred from Greece to Rome. This 
enlargement of the religious horizon is not without political signi- 
ficance. At first the priestly office was entirely monopolized by the 
patricians ; but, with the growing power of the plebeian element, the 
introduction of new objects of public worship became necessary. 
The kings already tried to mediate between plebeians and nobles 
by erecting a centre of national worship, and the frequent intro- 
duction, in the following centuries, of Greek deities by government 
was, in a manner, a continuation of this attempt at conciliating 
these classes.* 

The adoption of Greek architectural forms was, therefore, due 
to religious causes, previous even to the entering of sesthetical 
considerations into the question. During the last century of the 
Republic the attachment to the old indigenous form of worship 
was more and more supplanted by the influence of modern Greek 
civilisation. This admixture of Greek mythology and, but too 
often, Greek scepticism soon tended to abolish the deep religious 

* The temple of the Capitoline deities must he considered as this centre of 
national worship (Ambrosch, " Stud.," i. 196), independent of patrician exclusiveness. 
Similar transformations of the Roman religion seem to have been attempted by the 
earlier Tarquinians. Tarquinius Priscus is said to have erected the first images of 
gods, and, after him, Servius Tullius ordered the statue of the Aventine Diana to be 
fashioned after the model of the Artemis of Ephesos, known to the Romans through 
the Greeks of Massilia. 



feeling 1 characteristic of the old Romans. The religious indiffer- 
ence of the upper classes grew into a decided aversion to religion 
itself, and soon complaints began to be raised of the temples 
standing empty and being allowed to go to ruin. Augustus 
restored as many as eighty-two temples, most of them undoubtedly 
according to the principles of Greek taste, which at that time 
prevailed in all artistic and poetical creations of the Romans. 

Such were the different phases of the influence of Greek on 
Roman sacred architecture, which gradually led to the entire 
transformation of the old Italian temple. Indeed, all the different 
forms of the Greek temple are met with amongst the sacred 
edifices of the Romans. 

The simplest form of the templum in antis (see § 5) occurred, 
according to Vitruvius (III., 1), in a temple of the Three Fortunes, 
outside the Porta Collina : the prostyles (see § 7) was very 
frequent. To this we shall have to return (§ 65). Even of the 
amphiprostylos (see § 8), which was rare amongst the Greeks 
themselves, and of which Yitruvius mentions no example either 
in Greece or Rome, we have at least one specimen in the temple 
on the Forum of Yelleja (compare § 82). Of the peripteros 
(see § 9) Yitruvius mentions two examples, viz., the temple of 
Jupiter in the Hall of Metellus, and that of Yirtus and Honos, 
also in Rome, which the architect Mutius had built for Marius. 
The form of the pseudo-dipteros, of which only one specimen 
exists in Greece (see § 10), was frequently used by Roman 
architects, as we shall see hereafter. Yitruvius mentions one 
specimen of the clipteros (see § 12), viz. the temple of Quirinus, 
erected by Augustus on the Quirinal. It had double colonnades 
of seventy-six columns, and was counted amongst the most splendid 
edifices of Rome. Of this temple no traces remain. We, therefore, 
shall specify the influence of Greek on Augustan architecture by 
some remains of a Greco-Roman temple at Athens. We are speak- 
ing of the beautiful columns standing south-east of the Akropolis, 
60 feet in height, and partly still showing their architraves. They 
belonged to the temple of the Olympian Zeus, the building of 
which was begun by Pisistratos, but not continued till the reign of 
Antiochus Epiphanes. On the latter occasion we hear of a Roman 
knight, Cossutius, acting as architect. The temple was finished by 
the art-loving Emperor Adrian. Yitruvius, in the preface of his 




seventh book, says that Cossutius built the walls and the double 
colonnade, and also covered the beams. The additions of 
Adrian must therefore have consisted either of the ultimate 
completion of the last-mentioned parts, or of the decorative 
arrangements of the interior. Fig. 327 shows the plan of the 

temple. It was a dipteros 
173 feet broad by 359 long. 
Livy (XLL, 20) justly de- 
signates it as unique. It 
had ten columns on the 
narrow and twenty on the 
long sides ; on the nar- 
row sides it had three rows 
of columns instead of the 
two usually found in the 
dipteros, as may still be 
seen from the remains. 
Of the two other orders of 
the temple, the pseudo- 
dipteros (§ 13) and the 
kypaethros (§ 11), there 
were, according to Yitru- 
vius, no specimens in 
Rome. The temple of 
Yenus and Roma, how- 
ever, to which we shall 
have to return (§ 66), un- 
doubtedly showed the es- 
sential characteristics of 
the pseudo- dipteros ; and 
Yitruvius's own descrip- 
tion (III., 2) proves that 
the just-mentioned temple 
of Jupiter Olympius was, like the Parthenon in its vicinity, a 

64. The forms of Greek architecture thus adopted by the 
Romans were considerably modified by them. These modifica- 
tions were of a twofold kind. They either originated in the 
reaction of the Italian on the Greek temple, in which case the 

Fi«. 327. 



design and local division of the building were affected ; or they 
were caused by entirely new modes of construction being applied 
either to the purely Greek or Greco-Roman temple. In that case 
the whole character of the edifice was altered. 

Before, however, entering into these more important modifi- 
cations, we must mention a few minor changes, chiefly with 
regard to the order of columns. All the Greek orders of columns 
described by us were also used by Roman architects. As examples 
of the Doric order, we name the temples of Quirinus at Rome 
and of Hercules at Cori : not to mention several other specimens 

of the Doric style col- _____ 

lected by Canina, " Arch- 
itettura Romana," Tav. 
67. The graceful forms 
of Greek architecture 
have, however, been fre- 
quently misunderstood ; 
and have, in consequence, 
lost their original purity 
and harmonious propor- 
tions. The Tuscan order, 
frequently used by the 
Romans, is itself nearly 
related to the Doric style. 
It must be explained from 
the adoption and partial 
modification of the Greek 
original by the Etruscans, 
from whom it again was 
borrowed by the Romans, 
the latter developing the 
forms thus received into 
a system of their own. 
The statements of Yitru- 
vius, together with some 
archaic specimens found Fio 39g 

on Etruscan graves (for 

instance, the fragments of columns of the Cucumella of Vulci), and 
other examples of this style in later Roman buildings, enable us 


3 o3 


to form a distinct notion of this old-Etruscan order of columns. 
It must suffice to refer the reader to the facade of the Capitoline 
temple (Fig. 326), which displays the Tuscan order with the 
modifications alluded to. 

The Ionic order of columns, likewise, is found in Roman 
edifices ; for instance, in a small temple of Tivoli (see Fig. 330), 
and in the still standing temple of Fortuna Yirilis in Rome ; also 
in that of Saturn in the Roman Forum. The second stories of 
both the Coliseum (§ 85) and the theatre of Marcellus are 
adorned with Ionic semi-columns ; a few specimens of this style 
have been found at Pompeii. Almost all these specimens show 
more or less important deviations from the pure Greek form. 
Particularly, the graceful sweep of the curvatures and the spiral 
lines of the volutes have been lost — an observation which also 
applies to the large Ionic temples of Asia Minor (see Figs. 9 and 
10). A characteristic example of the Roman form of the Ionic 
capital occurs in Desgodetz's description of the temple of Fortuna 
Yirilis in Rome (PL III.). 

While the Ionic and Doric orders were thus deteriorated by 
Roman architects, the Xorinthian column, and especially the 
Korinthian capital, received a richer and more splendid develop- 
ment at their hands. The peculiarities of this style seem to have 
been congenial to the Roman mind ; it is, indeed, particularly 
adapted to an architecture which derives its effects more from the 
grandeur of massive structure than from the harmonious propor- 
tions of architectural lines. The capitals are formed by two or 
three rows of delicate acanthus-leaves, from between which 
appear volutes, flowers, or the forms of men and animals, the 
richer development of the beams being in harmony with this 
splendid style of ornamentation. This order has been most 
frequently applied by the Romans, the greater number of whose 
edifices are, indeed, built in the Korinthian style. ATe have met 
with it already in the temple of the Olympian Zeus at Athens, 
and shall find it again in almost all the monuments we shall have 
to mention. One of the finest specimens of the style is the 
Pantheon (see Figs. 342 to 344), a column of which, with the 
beam resting on it, is shown in Fig. 328. In later times, the style 
became overloaded, and by the addition of Ionic volutes the so- 
called "composite capital" was arrived at, of which Desgodetz 



Fier. 329. 

(V., 17) and Cameron (" Baths of the Romans," PL 30) show 
examples (compare, also, the triumphal arch of Titus, Fig. 448) . 

65. The requirements of the old Italian religion led naturally 
to the adoption of that more or less modified form of the Greek 
temple which was most suited to its peculiar rites ; this form was 
the prostylos. The Tuscan temple, the frontage of which con- 
sisted only of colonnades, so as not to obstruct the view of the 
sky, was itself a prostylos. At the same time the prostylos could, 
by means of a simple enlargement, be easily adapted to the 
demands of Italian worship. This enlargement was effected by 
adding one or more rows of columns to the one which in the Greek 
temple formed the portico of the 
building. In this manner the front 
part, surrounded only by columns 
(pars antica, § 61), became of almost 
equal size with the back part (postica), 
occupied by the cella. The door of 
the cella, therefore, where the augur 
used to stand, was exactly, or at least 

very nearly, in the centre of the temple. This form of the prostylos 
with a far-protruding portico occurs so frequently that it may be 
called that of the Roman temple par excellence. As such, it is 
distinguished from both the Tuscan and purely Greek temples, 
the elements of which it amalgamates to artistic unity. 

The simple form of the prostylos, protruding in front by one 
column only, is also frequently found 

amongst Roman edifices, more fre- g|g|g |=|gjg{=|g|=|gjgjg|gjg|g]rp 
quently, indeed, than in Greece, 
where it was used very rarely. Vi- 
truvius, for instance, mentions no 
specimen of it in Greece, but two in 
Rome, viz., the temple of Faunus and 
that of Jupiter in the Island of the 
Tiber. Figs. 329 and 330 show the 
design and view of a small half-ruined 
prostylos at Tivoli, near the well- 
known round temple (see Fig. 340 et seq.). It is preserved up 
to the height of the capitals ; the wall of the cella is adorned 
with Ionic half- columns, and therefore appears in the form of 

_1J. ,T:,4" 



a pseudo-dipteros (§ 10), frequently applied by the Eomans. On 
each of the long sides, between the two pairs of centre columns, 
(counting those of the portico) we see a small window growing 
narrower towards the top, and adorned with an elegant 
cornice. According to Canina, from whom our woodcuts are 
taken, the temple was built towards the end of the republican era, 
and dedicated most likely to the Sibylla Tiburtina or Albunea. 

The first and most natural enlargement was effected by the 
addition of another column to the projecting one which carried 
the portico. This form also occurs frequently. Besides the 
above-mentioned temple of Fortuna Yirilis (at present S. Maria 

Fig. 331. 

Egiziaca) in Rome, the temple of Isis at Pompeii shows this 
enlarged form of the portico. The all but square size of this 
temple reminds one of Yitruvius's rules for the Tuscan temple. 
A small oblong temple at Palmyra, most likely from the time of 
Aurelianus, shows the same form of the enlarged prostylos. 
Like that of Isis at Pompeii, it has four columns in the facade, 
which, together with the two on each side, form the pronaos, 
almost equal in size to the cella. 

The design is more interesting where the portico projects by 
three columns. This arrangement is shown in the beautiful 



temple of Antoninus and Faustina, the portico of which is carried 
by six columns in front and three on each side, each of the 
columns consisting of one piece of green-veined marble. The 
walls of the cella, also preserved, consist of the stone called 
commonly travertine. 

Fig. 331 shows an unusually well preserved temple of the 
same order at Nismes (the old Nemausus), in southern France. 
It belongs to the best period of 
Roman architecture, and was erec- 
ted, according to an inscription on 
it, by Augustus, in honour of the 
sons of the faithful Agrippa, Caius 
and Lucius, adopted by the em- 
peror. The temple, known as Mai- 
son quarree, consists of a cella 
(pseudo - dipteros) adorned with 
Korinthian half- columns, and a 
portico formed by six columns in 
front and three on each side. The 
beams, in perfect preservation, rest- 
ing on the wall and the columns, 
show a frieze with beautiful bas- 
relief ornaments. The old pedi- 
ments with their beautiful cornices 
are also preserved. The interior of 
the temple is at present used as 
a museum, in which the numerous 
antiquities found in and near 
Msmes are kept. 

A further development of the same principle of Roman archi- 
tecture appears in the large temple of Jupiter at Pompeii, which 
at the same time may be considered as one of the finest examples 
of this style. Fig. 332 (scale 24 Par. feet) shows the plan, Fig. 
333 a restored section, of the building. The protrusion of the 
portico is increased by a further column, six columns standing in 
front and four on each side. In front of the portico (b) lies a 
platform, with steps leading up to it (a), by means of which the 
whole front part was made equal in length to the back part, in 
accordance with Yitruvius's rules for the Tuscan temple. The 


position of the temple from north to south also accords with 
these rules. Through the door which lay exactly in the centre 
of the building one entered the cella, on both sides of which there 
were galleries of eight Ionic columns each (//). In front of the 
back wall of the cella lay a kind of substructure containing three 
small cellas (d). The Ionic columns (as appears from Fig. 333) 
seem to have carried a gallery of Korinthian columns, up to which 
led a staircase in the back wall of the cella (Fig. 332, e). The 
substructure (d) may have supported a statue, the head of which, 
in the character of Jupiter, has been discovered there. The three 
cellse most likely served to keep documents and treasures, as was 
frequently the case in temples. The Walls of the cella were richly 

painted, as were also the columns of the portico, consisting of lava. 
The floor of the temple was adorned with mosaic. The temple 
itself lay in the most beautiful part of the Forum. A tasteful and 
clever reconstruction of both it and the Forum is found in Gaudy's 
"Pompeiana" (PL 51). 

In connection with these specimens of the Roman prostylos we 
mention the temple of Concordia in Pome, differing in design 
from all other similar buildings. It was built in consequence of a 
vow made by Camillus after he had spoken in the senate in 
favour of the claims of the plebeians to the consular dignity. It 
was intended as a symbol of the restored concord between patri- 
cians and plebeians. It lay at the northern end of the Forum 



Romanum, close to the enormous foundations of the Tabularium 
(see § 81). The remains found on the spot do, however, not 
belong to the older temple of Concordia, but to the splendid 
temple built by Tiberius on its site. Only the large substructure 
of the temple, to which led a 
flight of steps from the Forum, 
may be recognised by some 
remnants of masonry, which, 
together with the Capitoline 
plan of the city, enable us to 
define the original situation of 
the building. The entire build- 
ing (see plan, Fig. 334) formed 
an all but regular square 
stretching from north to south, 
one half of which (postica) 
was occupied by the trans- 
verse cella, while the other half 
(antica) consisted of the sub- 
structure and the portico, pro- 
jecting by six columns. The cella was used at the same time 
as the meeting-hall of the senate, and therefore was known at 
first by the name of tenaculum, in later imperial times by that 
of curia. (The same was the case with the cella of the above- 
mentioned temple of Jupiter at Pompeii.) To judge by the few 
preserved pieces of the architrave, with the cornice, and by the 
slabs of painted marble which formed the floor, the beauty and 
purity of the style of this temple must have been unsurpassed in 
Rome. According to ancient writers, the interior, most likely 
the senate-hall, contained twelve statues of gods by the hands of 
the greatest masters. 

66. The third modification of the Roman temple above referred 
to was caused by the introduction of a mode of construction seldom 
used by the Greeks, and never on a large scale. It enabled 
Roman architects to cover the cellas of the temples in an imposing 
monumental manner. We are speaking of the vault, by the bold 
and consistent development of which Roman architecture differs 
essentially from the art of the Greeks. We cannot here discuss 
whether and when the art of vaulting became known to the 



Greeks, or whether it was invented by the Italians. Suffice it to 
say, that vaulted buildings occur at a very early period amongst 
the Etruscans and other Italian tribes ; but that it was left to the 
Romans to carry this important principle to its technical and 
sesthetieal perfection. We shall have frequently to speak of the 
vault, as applied to canals, bridges, aqueducts, gates, and trium- 
phal arches. By its means the Romans were enabled to get over 
architectural difficulties in a manner differing from, and much 
grander than, any known to the Greeks. At present, we must 
consider the vault in its influence on the development of the 
temple. The exterior of the temple never displays vaults or 
arches in any noticeable manner ; the interior, on the other hand, 
w T as considerably transformed by the new principle, even the 

largest cell^e now being spanned by 
bold and richly decorated vaults, instead 
of the flat Iacunaria-ceU.ijig formerly 
in use. As an example of this style 
we mention the smaller of the two 
temples at Heliopolis, in Syria, to 
the larger of which, the so-called 
Temple of the Sun, we shall return 
(§ 68). Fig. 335 shows the plan (scale 
80 feet English measure), Eig. 336 
the view, of a prostylos of the above- 
described kind, which, in addition, has 
been surrounded by a colonnade. Ex- 
cepting the front row of columns of the 
facade, it has been perfectly preserved. 
A flight of steps (A) leads to the colon- 
nade (B), through which one enters 
into the pronaos (C), the ceiling of 
which consists of a transverse bar- 
rel-vault. A splendid door (D), on 
each side of which a staircase has been 
let into the wall, opens into the inner 
cella. It is divided into two parts ; 
the first of which, lying on a level with the pronaos, is spanned 
by a bold barrel-vault richly adorned with laquearia. The 
side walls are adorned with beautiful Korinthion half-columns 

Fig- 335. 


enclosing niches. Opposite the entrance lies a raised space 
(F), up to which seem to have led steps. It was separated 
from the space in front of it by two columns, and most likely 

lw io 1 3o Uo [so ko >io bo 

Fig. 336. 

contained the statue of the temple. In the inside of the raised 
platform is a space evidently destined for the reception of sacred 
implements and other valuable objects. The style of the archi- 

Fig. 337. 

tecture is splendid, as was usual under the Emperor Caracalla, 
who seems to have finished the building begun most likely by his 
father Severus. 


The temple of Ve- 
nus and Eoma in 
Rome shows the same 
principle of vaulting, 
although belonging to 
an earlier period. It 
is, at the same time, 
one of the few speci- 
mens of a double tem- 
ple in Roman archi- 
tecture. It stood be- 
tween the Forum Ro- 
manum and the Coli- 
seum, rising on a strong 
substructure. It was 
begun by Adrian, a 
lover of art, and himself 
an amateur architect, 
and most likely finished 
^ by Antoninus Pius. It 
« belonged to the most 
splendid monuments of 
Rome, and its ruins are 
still of imposing as- 
pect. These remains 
at the same time enable 
us to distinguish the 
position of the two 
separate cellar belong- 
ing to the above-named 

In the centre of the 
temple were two semi- 
circular niches touch- 
ing each other, adorned 
with beautiful semi- 
cupolas, and contain- 
ing the statues of Venus 
andRoma. One of them 
was turned towards the 
west, the other towards 
the east. Fig. 337 



shows the plan of the temple. It must be described as a pseudo- 
dipteros dekastylos, having ten columns in the facades. The 
distance of the colonnade from the wall was sufficient to leave 
space for another omitted row of columns (compare § 13). Each 
of the long sides had twenty columns. The entrances to the two 
divisions of the cella lay towards east and west respectively ; 
the entrance to them was through pronaoi, formed by the 
prolongations of the cella-walls, and by four columns placed 
between the an fee of these walls. The two cellaa were covered 
by richly adorned barrel-vaults (see Fig. 338), which were in 
beautiful harmony with the semi -cupolas over the two niche? . 
The side walls contained niches with half-columns enclosing them, 
additional splendour being produced by coloured tablets of marble. 
The outside consisted entirely of Prokonnesian marble. Steps 
led from the Forum to the terrace (500 feet long by 309 wide) on 
which the temple stood. Some remains of these steps are still in 
existence. The two long sides had no steps. Fragments of 
shafts of columns made of grey granite have been found near the 
edges of the substructure. They tend to prove the existence of a 
colonnade round the building. The temple itself lay on a separate 
platform ^inside the colonnade, by six or seven steps above the 
level of the substructure 

67. In the examples of vaulted temples hitherto cited a so- 
called barrel- vault was joined immediately to the quadrangular 
shape of the cella or the pronaos. Another no less important 
kind of the vault is the cupola applied to circular buildings. The 
Romans used it frequently, sometimes with great effect.* "We 
have mentioned the round temple in Greek architecture (§ 14), 
without, however, being able to cite examples of this style, 
barring, perhaps, the monument of Lysikrates at Athens (Fig. 
152) and the conjectural design of the Philippeum of Olympia 
(Fig. 36). In Rome these buildings were both more frequent and 
more developed than amongst the Greeks ; they indeed form a con- 
siderable fraction of Roman edifices. According to Servius (see 

* Adler ("Das Pantheon zu Rom," 31. " Programm zuni Winckelmannsfest der 
archfeolog. G-es. zu Berlin, 1871, p. 16 et seq.), contends that the cupola was an old 
Oriental- not a Eoman, invention. In Alexander's time it attained its climax in 
Western Asia and Lower Egypt, whence it came to the Romans, who brought it to 
its highest perfection in the cupola of the Pantheon. 



"iEn.," IX., 408), they were dedicated chiefly to the goddesses 
Yesta and Diana, also to Hercules and Mercury. Yitruvius (IV., 7) 
mentions two kinds of this temple, one of which he calls mono- 
pteros, the other peripteros. The monopteros consists of a number 
of columns, arranged in a circular form, standing on a base 
with steps (stylobat), and carrying the beams, also circular in 
shape, and, by means of them, the vaulted cupola, made either 
of stone or wood. These temples, in the centre of which the 
statue of the deity was placed, had therefore no separate cella ; 
which want was perhaps supplied by railings between the single 
columns, as appears from a bas-relief. No specimens of this style 
are preserved. To judge by a coin of Augustus, the temple of 
Mars Ultor (not to be mistaken for the splendid temple of later 
origin) in the Capitol, built by that emperor, was a monopteros, 
which form also appears on another coin repre- 
senting an open temple containing the statue of 
Yesta (Fig. 339). On the top of the cupola is 
a flower-like ornament quite in accordance with 
Yitruvius's statement, who (IV., 7) prescribes a 
certain measure for this flower (flos). The in- 
accuracy of such representations, however, pre- 
vents us from deciding with certainty whether 
our illustration is not perhaps intended to represent the Roman 
temple of Yesta still in existence, although that belongs to the 
second form of round temples. 

The temples of the second kind also rest on a circular base ; 

but here the separate columns encircle 
a round cella, which is covered by a cupola 
resting on the colonnade. This arrange- 
ment is specified by the above-mentioned 
temple of Yesta, more commonly called 
the temple of Hercules Victor. It has 
been transformed into a Christian church 
(S. Maria in Cosmedin), to which circum- 
stance it owes its preservation. The cele- 
brated temple of Vesta, which now has 
entirely disappeared, lay at the foot of the 
Palatine, near the church S. Maria Libera- 
trice, a little way from the Via Sacra. 


The ruins of another temple, ascribed to Yesta with more 
certainty, are found at Tivoli. Its original appearance can dis- 
tinctly be recognised. It is one of the finest specimens of the 
class of round temples called by Yitruvius peripteroi. Fig. 340 
shows the design, Fig. 341 the view, both after Yalladier's draw- 
ings of the remains, to which Canina has added the missing 
parts. The cella is formed by a circular chamber (see Fig. 340), 
whose wall contains a handsome door and two elegant windows. 

Fig. 341. 

The cella is surrounded by twenty Korinthian columns, carrying 
richly ornamented beams (see Fig. 341). The upper part of 
the cella-wall, surrounded by a graceful cornice, rises above these 
beams, the conclusion being made by the cupola, crowned by an 
ornament. The whole structure stands on a base, also surrounded 
by a slight cornice, up to which base leads a narrow flight of steps 
in accordance with Yitruvius's rule. The building must be con- 
sidered as one of the finest specimens of late republican archi- 

* Weiss in his " Costiimlvunde " (Part I., p. 1169) suggests that the round temple 
may have been a reminiscence of the circular huts of the old-Italian populations. 



Hirt has called attention to the remarkable circumstance of 
Yitruvius limiting his description to these two kinds of the round 
temple without mentioning a third class, in which the circular 
body of the building (in that case generally of larger dimensions) 
is not enclosed by columns at all, but only shows a projecting 
portico like the other Roman temples (prostyloi). This omission 
on the part of Yitruvius is all the more remarkable, as in his 
time already Roman architecture had achieved its highest success 
in that particular style. 

We are speaking of the Pantheon, the splendid building erected 
by M. Agrippa, the friend of Augustus, in immediate connection 
with the Therinee, built and dedicated to Jupiter Ultor by him. 
This building, which embodied, as it Were, the highest aspirations 
of Eoman national pride and power, was completed, according to 
the original inscription preserved on it, B.C. 25, in which year 
Agrippa was consul for the third time. According to the state- 
ment of Pliny ("Hist. Nat.," 36, 24, 1), which, however, has been 
disputed, it was originally dedicated to Jupiter Ultor, whose 
statue, therefore, undoubtedly stood in the chief niche opposite 
the entrance. The other six niches contained the statues of as 
many gods ; those of the chief deities of the Julian family, Mars 
and Yenus, and of the greatest son of that family, the divine 
Caesar, being the only ones amongst the number of which we have 
certain knowledge. Was it that the statues of Mars and Yenus 
showed the attributes of the other principal gods, or that the 
statues of the latter stood in the small chapels (cedicuke) between 
the niches, or that the unequalled enormous cupola was supposed 
to represent heaven, that is, the house of all the gods ? Certain it is 
that, together with the old appellation, the new name of the 
Pantheon, i.e., temple of all the gods, was soon applied to the 
building. This latter name has been unanimously adopted by 
posterity, and has even originated the Christian destination of the 
edifice as church of all the martyrs (S. Maria ad Martyres). 
Without entering into the consecutive changes the building has 
undergone in the course of time, we will now attempt a description 
of its principal features. The temple consists of two parts, the 
round edifice and the portico (see plan, Fig. 342). The former 
was 132 feet in diameter, exclusive of the thickness of the wall, 
which amounts to 19 feet. The wall is perfectly circular, and 


contains eight apertures, one of which serves as entrance, while 
the others form, in a certain order, either semicircular or quad- 
rangular niches ; the former are covered by semi-cupolas, the 
latter by barrel- vaults. Only the niche opposite the entrance is, 
at the present time, uninterrupted, and open up to its full height, 
thus corresponding with the formation of the entrance (compare 
section, Fig. 344) ; in front of each of the others, two columns 
have been erected, the beams of which close the opening of the 
semicircular vault. To this chief portion of the building is 
attached the splendid portico which, in the manner of the above- 

Fig. 342. 

mentioned temples, projects by three columns, besides a massive 
wall-structure. The frontage shows eight columns. As a rule, 
the whole space of the pronaos was without columns ; contrary to 
this rule we here see it divided into three naves by means of two 
pairs of columns. The centre nave, which was also the widest 
led to the entrance-door, each of the two others being terminated 
by an enormous niche. Not to mention aesthetical considerations, 
these columns were required as props of the roof covering this 
vast space (the portico is about 100 feet long). 

The columns of the portico (one of the capitals is shown, Fig, 




328) carried beams, on the frieze of which the following inscrip- 
tion in large letters has been placed : MAGRIPPA'L'F-COS- 
TERTIUM-FECIT. Another inscription below this one, in 
smaller characters, states the bnilding to have been restored 
by Septimius Severus and Caracalla. The beams carry a large 
pediment, originally adorned with groups of statues representing 
Jupiter's victories over the Gigantes. Behind and above this 
gable rises a second one of the same proportions, serving as an 
ornament of the projecting wall which connects the round 
building with the portico (see also plan, Fig. 344). The roof of 
the portico was supported by beams made of brass. According to 

Fig. 343. 

the drawing of Serlio, these beams were not massive, but consisted 
of brass plates riveted together into square pipes — a principle 
frequently applied by modern engineers on a larger scale in 
building bridges, &c. Unfortunately, the material of the roof, 
barring some of the large rivets, has been used by Pope Urban 
VIII. for guns and various ornaments of doubtful taste in 
St. Peter's Cathedral. The large columns carrying the ugly 
tabernacle on the grave of St. Peter are one of the results of this 
barbarous spoliation. The old door, also made of brass, which 
leads from the portico into the interior has, on the contrary, been 
preserved. The outer appearance of the round building is simple 



and dignified. It most likely was originally covered with stucco 
and terra-cotta ornaments, of which, however, little remains at 
present ; but the simple bricks, particularly in the upper stripes, 
where the insertion of the vault becomes visible, look, perhaps, 
quite as beautiful as the original coating. The whole cylinder of 
masonry is divided into three stripes by means of cornices, which 
break the heaviness of the outline, the divisions of the inner space 
corresponding to those of the outer surface (see Figs. 343 aad 
344). The first of these stripes is about 40 feet high, and rests 
on a base of Travertine freestone. It consists of simple horizontal 
slabs of stone, broken only by doors which lead to chambers built 
in the thickness of the wall between the niches (see plan, Fig. 
342). It corresponds to the columns forming the first story of 
the interior, the two cornices, in and outside, being on a level. 
The second stripe, about 30 feet in height, answers to the second 
story of the interior, where the semicircular arches of the niches 
are situated. The horizontal stone layers outside are accordingly 
broken by large double arches, destined to balance the vaults in 
the interior. They alternate with smaller arches, thus forming a 
decoration of the exterior at once dignified and in harmony with 
the general design of the building. The two cornices in and 
outside are again on a level. The third stripe corresponds to the 
cupola, the tension of which is equal to 140 feet. The outer 
masonry reaches up to about a third of its height, from which 
point the cupola proper begins to rise in seven mighty steps. 

The height of the dome is equal to the diameter of the 
cylindrical building, which adds to the sober and harmonious 
impression of the whole building. The lower of the above- 
mentioned interior stories is adorned with columns and pilasters, the 
latter of which enclosed the niches. Eight of these columns, over 
thirty-two feet in height, are monoliths of giallo antico — a yellow 
kind of marble beautifully veined, and belonging to the most 
valuable materials used by ancient architects. Six other columns 
are made of a kind of marble known as pavonazzctto ; by an 
ingenious mode of colouring these columns are made to harmonize 
with those consisting of the rarer material. Above the first lies 
a second lower story, the architectural arrangements of which 
may be recognised from Adler's ingenious attempt at reconstruc- 
tion (see Fig. 344). Its original decoration consisted of tablets 

y 2 



of coloured marble, the effect being similar to that of a sequence of 
narrow pilasters. This original decoration has later been changed 
for another. Above the chief cornice which crowns this story, and 
at the same time terminates the circular walls, rises the cupola, 
divided into five stripes, each of which contains twenty-five 
" caskets " beautifully worked and in excellent perspective. In 
the centre at the top is an opening, forty feet in diameter, through 
which the light enters the building. Near this opening a frag- 
ment has been preserved of the bronze ornamentation which once 
seems to have covered the whole cupola. Even without these 

elegant decorations the building still excites the spectator's 
admiration as one of the masterpieces of Roman genius. 

68. The temple- enclosures of the Romans were, as a rule, still 
more splendid than the periboloi of the Greeks. Although few 
in number, the remaining specimens of these surrounding courts 
are sufficient to give us a distinct idea of the whole arrangement. 
The original purpose of these courts was to seclude the sanctuary 
from the profane bustle of the world, for which purpose the 
enclosure of the space immediately in front of the temple was 
sufficient. Several enclosures of this kind have been preserved 
at Pompeii. In front of a prostylos with a colonnade projecting 
by two columns, commonly designated as the temple of iEsculapius, 



is situated a simple court enclosed on two sides by a bare wall, 
only the third side fronting the temple being adorned with a 
portico of two columns. Another still smaller sanctuary, with- 
out columns, at Pompeii, formerly described as the temple of 
Mercury, at present as that of Quirinus, shows an entrance-court 
the walls of which on two sides are adorned with pilasters, the 
third consisting of a portico of four columns. Through the latter 
one enters the court of the temple, in the background of which, 
on a broad base, rises the cella containing the statue of the god ; 
in the centre of the court stands an altar remarkable for its relief- 

In other cases the courts were richly decorated and of larger 
dimensions, surrounding the temple on all sides. This seems to 

Fig-. 315. 

have been the case in almost all the larger and in most of the 
smaller temples wherever the locality would permit it. In Pompeii 
we again refer to the above-mentioned temple of Isis, which 
is built in a regular space surrounded by walls. The court is sur- 
rounded by a colonnade ; in the centre of it lies the cella with the 
pronaos. A similar arrangement, on a larger scale, we see in the 
so-called temple of Yenus, occupying the western side of the Forum 
of Pompeii. It is a peripteros surrounded by twenty-eight splendid 
Xorinthian columns, with a portico of considerable projection in 
front. The temple is enclosed by a covered court adorned with 
columns ; the colonnades on the narrower sides consisting of nine, 
those on the broader sides of seventeen, detached Korinthian 
columns. The wall on the right is joined on the outside by a 


similar colonnade (Fig. 345 a) of Doric columns, which belongs to 
the surroundings of the forum. The remnants of both the temple 
and the court are in a state of tolerable preservation. Mazois has 
attempted a trustworthy conjectural design of the original build- 
ing (see Fig. 345). The temple rises in beautiful proportions 
over the surrounding colonnades. Both with regard to elegance 
of proportions and splendour of decorations it ranks amongst the 
finest buildings of Pompeii. In front of the steps leading to the 
base stands the small altar, occupying the centre of the foreground. 
The surface of the inner walls of the cella is divided into several 
parts separated by pilasters of stucco. They are of a light-yellow 
colour, while those of the peribolos are richly adorned in the 
manner of perspective room -decorations — only rarely met with in 
temples. The back wall of the peribolos is joined by a number 
of small chambers destined, perhaps, for the priests. Their walls 
are decorated with beautiful figure-pictures. 

In Home no temple-enclosures of this kind have been pre- 
served, but their existence in ancient times is proved by the 
temple of Venus and Roma described by us (Figs. 336 and 337 ). 
Of a very early structure of a similar kind, we have knowledge 
from the plan of the city of Home, which, made of marble, was 
placed in the temple of Romulus, and the fragments of which are 
now let into the walls of the staircase of the Capitoline Museum. 
In this fragment we see two temples standing near each other, and 
enclosed at a moderate distance by a single oblong colonnade.* 
This colonnade was built most likely of common material by Q. 
Csecilius Metellus ; Augustus reconstructed it on a larger scale in 
marble in the name of his sister Octavia. In front of the two 
temples stood, as appears from the Capitoline fragment, groups of 
twenty-five horsemen, the work of Lysippus, which had been 
brought as spoil from Macedon by Metellus. In the reign of 
Titus (a.d. 70) both temples were burnt down in a fire which 
destroyed a great part of Rome. They were rebuilt, according to 
an inscription found on them, by the emperor L. Septimius Sever us 
f a.d. 203). Both temples were dedicated to Jupiter and Juno. 
Remains of the portico leading to the court are found in the 

* See F. Beber, " Die Euinen Boms und der Campagna." Leipsic, 1S63. p. 210 
et seq. P. 211 contains a view of the portico of Octavia ; p. 213, the fragment of the 
Capitoline plan referring to it. 



Piazza di Pescaria ; some columns of the temple of Juno belong 
to a private house in the Via di S. Angelo di Pescaria. 

The largest temple-enclosure amongst the monuments known 
to us belonged to the temple of the Sun at Palmyra, the mighty 
city of the desert, situated on the frontier of the Roman and Parthian 
empires. In it the most gorgeous specimens of almost all classes 
of Poman architecture are found. The open colonnade, for instance, 
more than 4,000 feet long, consisting of four rows of Korinthian 
columns, had not its equal in Pome, no more than the just- 
mentioned temple-enclosure. The latter occupies a square nearly 
3,000 feet in circumference. The outer wall, of considerable height, 
is broken on three sides by windows cut into it at regular 
intervals between the pilasters, which adorn the wall both in front 
and at the back. The fourth side has no windows, but instead of 
them a high entrance-portal in the centre, which may be con- 
sidered as one of the most splendid specimens of Poman 
architecture under the Emperor Aurelianus. The court which 
one enters through this portal is of proportionate size and 
splendour. Each of the sides (over 100 feet in length) is adorned 
with colonnades ; those on three sides being double (i.e. formed 
by two rows of columns), that on the side of the entrance single. 
The whole area of the court is covered with slabs of marble, and it 
contains, on both sides of the entrance, two large regular hollows, 
most likely used as ponds. Opposite the entrance, facing it with 
its long side, lies the temple, a dipteros about 110 feet wide by 
200 long ; the entrance to it lies on the long side of the cella, 
opposite the portal of the enclosure- wall. This is a deviation from 
the ordinary design of temples ; another irregularity consisting in 
the windows which are broken into the walls of the cella. The 
inner sides of each of the two narrow walls of the cella contain a 
quadrangular niche destined to receive the statue of a god. This 
fact accords with the statement of Aurelian having placed here 
the statues of Helios and Belus. The same emperor restored the 
older temple in a manner the splendour of which is frequently 
praised by ancient writers, and still is apparent from the remains. 

Less in size, but not in splendour or individual peculiarities, 
were the courts of the temple of the Sun in Heliopolis, the modern 
Balbek. One of the chief temples of that city we have men- 
tioned in § 66 (see Figs. 335 and 336). The other one, larger 



than the first, and most likely devoted to Jupiter, as god of the 
sun, was a peripteros with ten columns in front, and nineteen on 
each of the long sides. Its width was 160 feet; its length, 
exclusive of the steps, ahout 300 feet. The cella of the temple 
has been destined beyond restoration ; only the beautiful Korin- 
thian columns of the colonnade (about 7 feet in bottom diameter) 
may still be recognised. The courts in front of the temple, and 
the entrance -portal belonging to them, are comparatively well 
preserved. The latter (see plan, Fig. 346 ; scale 200 feet) 
consists of a portico of twelve columns, up to which led a broad 
flight of steps, the entrance into the first court being formed by 
three magnificent gates. The court itself shows the unusual 

shape of a hexagon. Op- 
posite the entrance lies 
the chief portal, leading 
to the second court. The 
four remaining sides show 
halls, opening towards 
the court through colon- 
nades ; the niches in the 
walls of these halls, with 
their beautifully vaulted ceilings, may still be recognised from 
the ruins. The second court, square in shape, was designed in a 
similar manner, each of three of its sides (400 feet' in length) 
containing open halls (exedrce) alternating with semicircular 
niches. The walls of the halls are adorned with niches, most likely 
containing statues. On the fourth side, opposite the splendid portal 
with three gates above mentioned, rises the facade of the temple, 
concerning the arrangement of which we have spoken before. 

So much about the enclosures and courts of temples. Fre- 
quently these temples were also erected in public squares, to 
which arrangement we shall have to return in speaking of the 
Fora of Rome and Pompeii (see § 82). The grand impression 
of a temple is frequently increased by the artificial base on which 
it stands. We have spoken of such a base in reference to the 
Capitoline sanctuary (§ 62). The foundations of the court of the 
temple of Yenus and Roma were, as we have seen, on the largest 
scale. Similar preparatory works were necessary for the base of 
the just-mentioned temple of Heliopolis. Large walls of freestone 


3 2 9 

had been erected for the purpose on three sides, consisting of 
stones of thirty or even of sixty feet in length. In a temple 
erected on rising ground, the base itself could be architecturally 
developed ; terraces, frequently of imposing proportions, often led 
up to the temple. As an instance, we add the temple of Fortuna 
of Praeneste, at Palestrina, conjecturally re-designed by Canina 
(Fig. 347). According to this design, the mountain, on the slope 
of which the old town of Prseneste lay, was converted into terraces 
up to half its height, which were propped by mighty basements of 
different kinds and ages. The midmost terraces, for instance, 
show front walls of Cvclopic-Pelasgic workmanship (see § 17), 

Fig. 347. 

and are therefore dated by Canina back to the time in which the 
similarly constructed walls of Praeneste itself were built. This 
structure was afterwards enlarged towards both top and bottom, 
these later parts accordingly showing regular freestone architec- 
ture. Other parts again show the so-called opus incertum (see 
§ 69), and, also, the regular brick-architecture of imperial times. 
The modern town of Palestrina has been built amongst these ruins, 
which latter have been an object of continued research ever since 
the sixteenth century (we mention only the important works on 
the subject by Pirro Ligorio and Pietro da Cortona). In com- 



paring the remains with the statements of ancient writers, we 
rind that the temple of moderate dimensions lay about half way 
up the mountain resting on the above-mentioned terraces, which 
again were architecturally adorned in various ways. The bottom 
story, if we may use that expression, was formed by a grand 
archway carried by pillars ; it extended to a considerable length, 
running parallel with the highway which passes the mountains 
on that side. On both sides of it two large covered cisterns have 
been discovered. From here, stairs led up to a terrace of large 
size, on which two other large tanks were situated — an arrange- 
ment met with also in the court of the temple of the Sun at 
Palmyra. From here stairs led up to a second terrace, in the 
centre of which remains of a gorgeous building have been 
discovered. It consisted of two large halls connected by means 
of a colonnade ; in one of the halls a celebrated mosaic floor has 
been discovered. Pietro da Cortona transferred it to the palace 
of the Barberini family, built on the ruins of this structure, 
where it still remains. Double flights of steps led up to a third 
and a fourth terrace ; on the fifth, terrace stood an archway 
running along the front edge ; on the sixth we see a large square 
court surrounded by colonnades (peristylos), joined by another 
similar court of semicircular shape. From this a flight of steps, 
semicircular in design, led up to the temple of Fortuna itself, of 
which, however, nothing now remains. 

69. We now have to consider the wall — the most primitive 
form of protective architecture. A great similarity exists between 
the first attempts of this kind in Greece and Italy, which 
proves the relationship and analogous development of the two 
nations. The oldest Italian town-walls known to us consist of 
large stones, in the cutting and placing on each other of which 
we notice the same different modes of proceeding as in the 
Pelasgic walls (compare Figs. 53 to 56). We therefore need not 
repeat our previous remarks, and only add, that not only towns, 
but also other places, were enclosed with walls for purposes of 
safety or religious worship. Wall-enclosures of this kind are fre- 
quently found on heights in various parts of Italy ; it is indeed 
probable that one of the chief centres of Pome, the Capitoline 
hill, was enclosed originally for the purpose of defence rather than 
of habitation. In this manner it became, like the akropolis of 


33 1 

a Greek city, the centre point round which the first dwelling- 
houses of the city were grouped. 

When a town was to be founded systematically, as frequently 
was the case with a colonising nation like the Romans, certain 
religious ceremonies had to be observed. A bull and a cow were 
harnessed to a plough in order to encircle the place destined for 
the city with a furrow. For the gates, the number of which was 
also determined by holy traditions, a space was left b}^ lifting up 
the plough. The ploughed-up earth had to lie towards the town, 
the furrow itself towards the country, this arrangement being in 
a manner suggestive of the wall and moat of Italian and Roman 
cities. Where the locality permitted it, the space for the town 
was designed as a square, an instance of which was the old Roma 
quadrata on the Palatine Hill : this arrangement recalls the form 
of the templum (see § 61 et seq.), the centre of the town being, 
like that of the temple, considered as holy, and marked as such by 
the deposition of gifts and offerings. 

The walls of the Romans were generally made of bricks. 
Recently, however, some remains of the oldest fortifications of 
Rome have been dis- 
covered which are built 
of freestone in the Greek 
manner. On the Aventine 
Hill, for instance, may be 
traced for a considerable 
distance the line of a free- 
stone wall, which undoubt- 
edly belongs to the so- 
called fortifications of Ser- 
vius. It lies on the top of a large earth- wall {agger), which is 
expressly mentioned amongst those fortifications, and it contains, 
like the walls of the Greeks, projections for the purpose of defence ; 
the arches placed at intervals for the sake of increasing the 
firmness of the layers of stones are thoroughly Italian in cha- 
racter. Of a similar kind are the substruction-walls which have 
been recently found on the Palatine Hill, forming, most likely, 
the original fortification of that hill (see Fig. 348). 

In later times, as we mentioned before, brick was used in 
fortifications. Vitruvius states, that first of all masses of earth 



Fig. 349. 

were heaped up, and the erection thus gained was enclosed on 
both sides with strong brick walls. In these walls, as well as in 

those made of massive stone, 
different modes of structure were 
in use, by means of which the 
appearance of the walls was con- 
siderably modified. Either the 
whole wall consisted of a mixture 
of mortar and unbaked bricks 
(called opus incertum by Yitru- 
vius), or the outer surface of 
the wall was faced with regular 
bricks of equal size. In this 
case, also, two modes of construc- 
tion became possible, the stones being either triangular in shape 
and arranged in horizontal layers (Fig. 349), or being cut into 

Quadrangular prisms 
which were pressed into 
the soft mortar, so that 
the joints crossed each 
other in a net -like man- 
ner (ojms reticulation). 
Fig. 350 illustrates the 
latter mode of structure, 
which also appears, for 
instance, in the walls of 
a conduit of the Alsie- 
tine aqueduct. The inside of these walls consists of irregular 
bricks joined together by mortar (opus incertum), while the outer 
surface consists of reticulated brickwork coated over with 
stucco. Sometimes the reticular and horizontal principles appear 
combined, in which case the reticular surfaces are interrupted by 
narrower pieces of horizontal layers. This is the case, for instance, 
in several parts of the Roman town walls. 

We quote two instances of town walls, in illustration of the 
principles hitherto insisted upon, viz., the walls of Pompeii and 
the so-called Aurelian fortification of Eoine. In the former the 
wall consists, according to Vitruvius's rule, of an irregularly 
heaped mass of stones, faced both in front and at the back with 


Fisr. 350. 



flag stones (scarp and counterscarp), to which additional firmness 
is added by means of buttresses. The upper surface of the wall 
is, towards the outside, protected by battlements four feet in 
height, into which, at intervals of nine feet, embrasures have 
been cut ; they project towards the inside by three feet, thus 
yielding a safe position to the besieged. 
Towards the town side the wall is con- 
siderably raised, reaching a height of 
forty-two feet from the level of the 
ground. Broad but rather steep steps 
lead from the town up to the wall. 
Square towers communicated with the 
top of the wall by means of (generally 
round-arched) gates. 

In our second example (Fig. 352), 
the Aurelian fortification of Rome, 
the wall towards the inside is prop- 
ped by strong buttresses connected 

with each other by means of round arches. The top of the 
wall here, also, is protected by battlements. A sort of gallery 
is formed by these arches, in the single divisions of which 
semicircular niches are cut into the thickness of the wall 

Fig. 35] 

Fig. 352. 

which communicate with the outside by means of narrow shot- 
holes, thus yielding a strong position both for attack and defence 
(another arrangement of the wall is illustrated by Fig. 359). 
Here also turrets are placed at certain intervals, such as we have 



Fig. 353. 

met with before at Pompeii (Fig. 341) and in Greece (compare § 19, 
Figs. 70 — 77). Upon the whole, Roman towers differ little from 
the Greek but for the vault, which adds to their strength. Fig. 353 
(scale, 18 feet) shows a section of a turret at Pompeii, rising in 
three stories to a height of about forty feet. The ceiling between 

the two lower stories inclines slightly 
towards the outside, which is also the 
case with the openings above referred 
to. The steps necessary for communi- 
cation lie in the back part of the turret, 
which is slightly raised. The topmost 
chamber communicates with the circuit 
of the wall by means of a vaulted gate 
(compare Fig. 351). The upper plat- 
form also inclines outward so as to let 
the rain run off, stone eaves being 
added for the same purpose, as is also 
the case with the circuits of the wall. 
Battlements protect the platform. 
A few words ought to be added about fortified camps, so 
important in Roman warfare. They were erected at considerable 
distances from each other, to protect the frontier from the 
barbarians, sometimes connected with each other by long lines 
of wall with intervening smaller fortifications. They, of course, 
required large garrisons. The remains of a large fortified camp 
are still visible in the Taunus Mountains, about an hour's walk 
from Homburg vor der Hohe, and 250 paces from the large 
Roman line of defence commonly called the Tfahlgraben. The 
present name of the camp is Saalburg ; it is most likely identical 
with the Arctaunon (Arxtauni) mentioned by Ptoleniaeus. It- 
was built by Drusus in the year 11 (b.c), and re-erected by his 
son Germanicus after its partial destruction hy the Germans 
(a.d. 9). Continued, but not yet finished, excavations have made 
it possible to discern the whole plan of the camp (see Fig. 354, 
after the designs of Archivrath Habel). The shape of the fortifi- 
cation was quadrangular, being 700 feet long by 450 wide. 
The outer wall, consisting of irregular blocks of stone, had a 
thickness of 5 feet, slightly increased on the north side, which 
was most exposed to the attacks of the enemy. The four angles 



are rounded. The original height of the wall cannot be deter- 
mined with certainty ; in some parts the remaining portions rise 
to six feet from the ground. Outside of this wall lies a double 
moat ; inside of it we see a second higher line of wall, about 7 feet 
wide, which, in our plan, is marked by a double line of dots. Be- 
hind this wall lies a road 30 feet wide, the via angularis (E) (marked 
by a single dotted line in our 
plan), destined for the recep- 
tion of larger bodies of troops. 
The other" arrangements of 
the camp perfectly tally with 
the descriptions- of ancient 
writers. On the front side, 
between two towers project- 
ing inside, lies the chief gate, 
porta prcetoria (A), with 
which corresponds, on the 
opposite side, the porta decu- 
mana (D). On the two long 
sides we have the porta prin- 
cipalis dextra, also protected 
by towers (B), and the porta 
principalis sinistra (C). In 
the centre of the camp, where 
the connecting lines between 
the opposite gates meet, stands 

mander, the 

dwelling of the com- 

Fig. 354. 

prcetoria m (F). 

Erected without much care and in a hurry, it still shows several 
compartments, partly for the private use of the general, partly for 
military purposes. There is no entrance on the side of the porta 
prcetoria, in the place of which we see a square tower (g) ; on the 
opposite side the building terminates in an oblong room (a), the 
three outlying sides of which contain three doors exactly opposite 
the three gates in the corresponding walls of the camp. Near Gr and 
H remains of buildings have been discovered, most likely those 
of dwelling-houses. The narrow intervals between the cross 
walls of H seem to indicate the existence of a heating apparatus. 
I marks a small sanctuary, K a well. The praetorium was 



reserved for the staff and the corps d 'elite ; the rest of the army * 
lived, according to the rules of castrametatio, in the open spaces 
between the praetoriuru and the wall of the camp. Light huts, 
made of earth or wood, were most likely constructed for the 
purpose, the Grerman climate being too cold to permit living in 
tents for long. Stone foundations of the soldiers' dwellings have 
not been discovered. 

Another camp, at Granizigrad in Servia, carefully investigated 
for the first time by F. Kanitz, is much larger and in a better 
state of preservation than the one just described. It dates, 
undoubtedly, from late Eoman times. It was erected to protect 
the Timon valley, and is of enormous dimensions. It formed an 

irregular square (Fig. 355), the narrow sides haying a length of 
1,461 and 1,351 feet respectively, while the two long sides show 
the enormous measures of 1,908 and 1,896 feet. Round towers, 
180 feet in diameter, and with walls 24 feet thick, stand at the 
four corners, a number of smaller round towers projecting almost 
circularly from the wall at irregular intervals. At a distance of about 
108 feet from this wall the remains of a second row of towers have 
been discovered also, most likely connected with each other by 
walls. The substructure of a square building of 84 by 132 feet 
occupies the centre of the fortification. Unfortunately no excava- 
tions have taken place, by means of which the name of this camp 
might, perhaps, be discovered. 



70. The Roman gates differ from the Greek ones more than 
is the case with towers or walls. It is true that their position in 
the wall remained essentially unaltered ; that is, they were 
inserted mostly in the parts most protected by nature, and further 
strengthened by projections of the wall, built in such a manner 
as to afford a point of attack on the left side of the besieging 
enemy. As we have seen before, the gates were flanked by towers 
(compare also our description of the castle of Salona, § 76, Fig. 

All these points the Roman gates have in common with the 
Greek. The chief difference consists in the principle of vaulting 
applied to the Roman structures. By means of this principle, 
applied also to subterraneous canals, the Romans were able to 
cover wide spaces without difficulty. We quote a few examples 
of Roman gates, classed according to the number of their 

The simplest form naturally consists of one arch, either flanked 
by projections and cut into the thickness of the wall, or else 
repeated on the opposite sides of a tower. A beautiful specimen 
of the first kind is the 
gate of Perusia, where a 
second decorative arch is 
added above the actual 
opening. An example of 
the second kind we see in 
the gate of Yolterra, which 
shows all the simplicity of 
the old Italian arch. The 
gate of Pompeii, leading 
to Nola, is of later date ; 
its simple arch does not 
lie in the wall but at the 
end of a small passage, 
which touches the wall at 
an obtuse angle, thus com- 
pelling the besiegers to 
expose themselves to the attack of those standing on the side walls 
of this passage. Later still, and evidently erected with a view to 
decoration as well as to safety, is one of the gates of the above - 




mentioned villa of Diocletianus, at Salona, called porta aurea, most 
likely owing to its splendid ornamentation (see § 78). Like the 
other gates of this building, it is flanked by towers, and contains 
one opening only. The latter shows a round arch, closed at the 
bottom by a straight ledge of stone (see Fig. 356). The surface 
of the wall is decorated in the late Roman style, with small 
columns on bases, enclosing niches. A cornice, partly destroyed, 
adds to the beauty of the gate even in its present condition. 

Fig. 357. 

Gates with two openings are of rarer occurrence. As an 
example we quote one of the oldest and most beautiful gates of 
Eome, at present called Porta Maggiore, the original aspect of 
which is shown Fig. 357.* The design is very complicated, 
owing to various considerations ; but it shows, at the same time, 
the artistic skill of the Romans in getting over architectural 
difficulties. Two high arched portals afford an opening to two 
Roman highways, the Yia Labicana and Yia Praenestina, which 
here met at a pointed angle. These portals are enclosed by 
two mighty piers, the upper parts of which are broken by 
smaller arches and decorated with two semi- columns each, on the 
latter of which rest beams and pediments. The centre pier 

* Compare the gate of Messene (Fig. 67), the opening of which seems to have 
"been divided into two halves by a pillar, 


shows, below the just-mentioned opening, another small round- 
arched gate. The arches served at the same time to carry two 
aqueducts. Just above them lies an " attic," which, however, 
does not contain water ; but above this we see two other " attics : " 
the lower one forms the conduit of the Aqua Claudia, the upper 
one that of the Anio Nova. Three large inscriptions cover the 
three attics. The first states that the Emperor Claudius built the 
aqueduct called Aqua Claudia, by which the waters of the two 
wells called Caeruleus and Curtius, lying near the forty-fifth 

19 ZO V 

j 1 1 M 

Fig. 358 and 359. 

milestone, were conducted into Rome. The second inscription says 
that the same emperor conducted the Anio Nova to Eome from a 
distance of sixty-two Roman miles. The third inscription 
mentions Yespasian and Titus as the restorers of the gigantic 
building of Claudius. 

More frequent than two, are three gate-openings, of which the 
centre one is usually wider and higher than the two others : the 
former being destined for horses and carriages, the latter for foot- 
passengers. The two purposes of defence and traffic are beauti- 
fully combined in a gate belonging to the fortifications of Aosta. 

z 2 



built by Augustus (see view, Fig. 358, and plan, Fig. 359). The 
wall to which the gate belongs differs essentially from those of 
Pompeii, the interval between the lower and outer (Fig. 359, a), 
and the higher and inner, wall-facings (B) being not filled up with 
earth, but left empty. The connection between the two wall- 
facings is effected by means of arches. This interval is thus 
transformed into a number of small vaulted chambers (C) which 

Fig. 360. 

open towards the town, and thus somewhat resemble the inner 
divisions of the Aurelian walls. Two towers (D D), enclosing the 
outer gate (F), project from this double wall. The gate shows 
the just-mentioned division into three openings, all of which could 
be closed by strong portcullis. After this gate follows an open 
space (H), called by Yegetius propugnaculum, because here the 
besiegers that might have advanced so far could be attacked from 
the platforms of the low towers. On the opposite side of this 
space lies the inner gate (G), the three openings of which were 



closed by doors studded with iron. The architecture is dignified 
and even severe in style, and this work of Augustus may be 
counted amongst the finest of its class. 

A similar though less fortified structure we see in one of the 
gates of Pompeii, called, from the direction of the road passing 
through it, the Herculanean gate (see the outer view of it, Fig. 
360, from the conjectural designs of Mazois). On the left it is 
protected by a projection of the wall ; it has one centre and two 
side entrances, the latter for foot-passengers. The inward side of 
the gate shows the same arrangement* The narrow space lying 
between the two chief portals was uncovered, thus forming a kind 
of propugnaculum, similar to that of the gate of Aosta. The side 
entrances are vaulted in their full length ; they were each 
connected with the uncovered space in the centre by means of 
two arches, through which the necessary light is conveyed into 
the long and narrow passages. The large portals could, at one 
time, be closed by portcullis which, however, at the time of the 
destruction, seem to have been no more in use. The side 
entrances contained doors, as indicated by the still-preserved 
hinges. The whole structure consists of pieces of tufa and 
mortar, coated with stucco. The remains show how carefully the 
surface was smoothed. The whole gate was 16*80 metres deep by 
14 wide. The width of the centre passage is 4*70 metres, that of 
each side passage 1*30. 

71. The structures of utility, to which we have now to turn, 
differ from those of the Greeks by their greater variety of 
purpose, and of the means used to accomplish this purpose. It is 
here that the practical sense of the Romans shows to greatest 

The Romans soon discovered the political importance of roads, 
and showed great energy and consistency in carrying out their 
ideas, differing in this from the Greeks. With the latter, religious 
purposes formed an important consideration in the building of 
roads ; the Romans only considered the necessities of the State. 
Artistic road-building commenced as soon as the Roman dominion 
began to extend beyond its original limits. Conquered provinces 
had to be connected with the heart of the State, i.e. the city of 
Rome. The roads thus became a means of political, commercial, 
and intellectual interchange between Rome and the provinces. 



The chief and first purpose, however, was of a military kind ; 
large masses of troops had to be conveyed with ease to distant 
provinces. In this way originated the first artistic road, the Via 
Appia, and its continuation to Arminum, the Yia Flaminia : the 
subjection of the Boii, on the Po, led to the construction of the 
Yia iEmilia ; while that of the Gallic and Germanic nations 
caused the grand system of roads in the Alps and the countries 
on the Rhine and Danube. The gradual extension of the Roman 
territory may be followed in the history of road-building. These 
large political considerations, of course, were out of the question 
amongst the numerous and, to a great extent, isolated states of 
Greece. This difference of purpose between the two nations also 
influenced their modes of constructing roads. The Greeks built 
their roads according to the nature of the locality, or even to old 
traditional routes of travellers, heedless of occasional detours. 
The Homans, on the contrary, true to the indomitable energy of 
their character, follow the one plan of building as nearly as 
possible in a straight line. The nature of the ground is almost 
totally disregarded ; where mountains intervene they are broken 

through ; hollows are made level by 
means of dams ; deep valleys or rapid 
streams are spanned by bridges, the 
bold design of which still excite the 
admiration of modern engineers, far 
superior though they are to the Roman s 
in technical, scientific, and mechanical 

Of tunnels through mountains we 
mention the so-called " Grotto of the Po- 
silippo," near Naples, which is still daily 
passed through by thousands (Fig. 361). 
It is cut through a promontory between 
Naples and Baise, being in length 2,654 
Neap, palms by 24 wide. The height 
inside varies from 26 to 74 palms. At the two ends there are 
arches of 94 and 98 palms respectively, tending to increase the firm- 
ness of the structure. The tunnel is bored through the solid rock. 

Other difficulties had to be overcome in marshy places. The 
soil here had to be made firm and its level raised by means of a 

Fig. 361. 



dam. The Via Appia, for instance, was thus conducted through 
the Pontine marshes. In other places, again, the road had to be 
carried on along precipices on walled substructures or viaducts. 
This is the case in that 
part of the Yia Appia 
which descends from Al- 
bano to the valley of 
Ariccia ; just below the 
village of Ariccia it runs 
for a considerable distance 
on an embankment faced 
with freestone. Fig. 362 
shows this part of the road with massive balustrades and seats 
on both sides of it. Vaulted openings in the basement evi- 
dently served as outlets for the mountain streams. 

As to the technical arrangements of the roads, such as pave- 
ment, gutters, &c, full information is derived from Hirt's work, 
" Die Lehre von clen Gebauden bei den Griechen und Eomern," 
which we have followed in many points. The roads were either 
strewn with sand and gravel (glared viam sterner e) or paved with 

solid stones. In the latter case generally polygonal blocks of 
some hard stone, generally basalt, are chosen for the roadway, the 
surface being made as smooth as possible (silice sterner e viam) as is 
shown by the part of the Yia Appia in Fig. 363. In case there 
were raised pavements for foot-passengers, they were generally 
made of the softer common tufa (lapide sterner -e). The middle 
of the road was generally raised a little, so as to make the 
rain-water flow off; small outlets for the water, such as we 



mentioned in speaking of the wall (see Fig. 353), also occur on 
roads. Figs. 364 and 365 illustrate the draining-apparatus of the 
Yia Appia, where an arched passage under the road serves as an 
outlet for the water, perhaps also as a means of communication. 
Fig. 364 shows the front view ; Fig. 365 the sections. The road- 
way itself is about 18 feet wide ; it has a massive stone balus- 
trade on each side. 

The streets of Pompeii were of similar construction, drains 
being frequently found below them ; the pavements for foot- 
passengers to both sides are generally raised a little, posts, 
connected by kerb-stones, being placed at certain intervals to 
prevent the intrusion of horses or vehicles. At intervals of 1,000 
paces, milestones (milliaria) were placed on the highways, with 
the distances from the larger towns written on them. Frequently 
seats for exhausted travellers were placed near these milestones. 

72. In their construction of bridges the Romans differ widely 
from the Greeks, owing to the use of the arch in Roman architec- 
ture. The viaducts and bridges of the Romans are amongst the 

most remarkable monu- 
ments of antiquity. At 
the ninth milestone from 
Rome, on the road to Ga- 
bii, is a viaduct across a 
broad valley, which only 
during the rainy season of 
the year is partly flooded. 
Nevertheless, the viaduct 
is built on as many as seven 
arches. It is 285 feet long, 
and consists of blocks of " peperin " and red tufa. Owing to the 
softness of the material the pillars are very stout, and the 
intervals spanned by the arches small. From the simple and 
solid structure of the work (which is now called Ponte di 
Nona, and still in use), Hirt believes it to belong to the time of 
Caius Gracchus, who, while a tribune (124 — 121 B.C.), constructed 
a great many roads, and of whom Plutarch distinctly remarks 
(C. Gracchus, c. III.) that he considered not only usefulness but 
also beauty and elegance {yapiv teal icaWos). 

Where a stream had to be crossed, the arch naturally became 

Fig. 366. 



of still greater importance. Bridges, moreover, seem to have been 
regarded almost like religious monuments. In the early history 
of the city of Rome, so closely connected with the Tiber, the 
bridges across that river were of such religious import that the 
care of them was assigned to a fraternity of priests (pontifices, i.e. 
bridge-makers), of which the highest college of priests in Rome 
was a further development. The name Pontifex Maximus remained 
attached to the office of high priest, and is at present that of the 

Although of great importance, the arch was not indispensable 
in Roman bridge-architecture. Not to speak of temporary bridges 
of boats, we mention permanent wooden bridges, such as the 
Pons Sublicius, the oldest bridge in Rome, and the bridge that 
Caesar threw across the Rhine. In other bridges woodwork 
and masonry occur combined, as, for instance, in the splendid 
bridge built across the Danube by Trajan. It rested on 
twenty strong stone pillars, standing at distances of 170 feet, 
and connected with each other by wooden arches instead of stone 
vaultings. A representation of this bridge is seen on the column 
of Trajan. 

Arched structures made of stone marked the highest perfec- 
tion of the art, combining, as they did, firmness of structure with 
the capability of spanning wide spaces without impeding (owing 
to the height of the 
arches) the navigation on 
the river. Without en- 
tering into details we will, 
in the following pages, 
quote a few examples of 
bridges, classing them ac- 
cording to the number of 
their principal arches. 
The bridge near Volci, 
across the river Fiora 
(Fig. 367), shows one chief arch, with two smaller ones on the 
banks of the river. This bridge also serves to carry an aque- 
duct across the river (compare § 74). 

Fig. 368 shows a still-existing Roman bridge with two 
principal arches, generally known as the Ponte de' Quattro Capi, 



owing to the two heads of Janus Quadrifrons on stelai placed on 
the balustrade above the tetes-du-pont. According to the inscrip- 
tions it was built in 62 B.C. by L. Fabricius, at that time curator 
viarum. Its condition was, in 21 B.C., examined and testified as 
safe by the consuls Q. Lepidus and M. Lollius. It connects the 
city with the island of the Tiber, and consists of two arches 
extending in graceful lines from a strong pillar in the centre of 
the river to its two banks. On the base of the pillar, between the 

Fig. 368. 

two chief arches, the masonry is interrupted by a third arch, 
which gives an appearance of grace to the whole structure. The 
side of the pillar turned towards the current of the stream is 
made into a sharp edge. Two other smaller arches, nearer the 
banks, add to the firmness of the structure, being filled up with 

One of the first Roman bridges is the Pons iElius, built across 

Fig. 369. 

the Tiber by the Emperor Hadrian. It opened the access to 
the tomb erected by him on the right bank of the river (compare 
§ 78). The bed of the river was crossed by three semicircular 
arches, joined to right and left by four smaller vaultings. It is in 
a state of excellent preservation, and well known by the name of 
Ponte S. Angelo. On its restoration at a later date one of the 
arches has been filled up, and is hidden by the extended embank- 



ment, Fig. 369 shows the original design of the bridge ; Fig. 
370 its present aspect at low water, which shows the massive 
structure of the foundations and piers. 

73. Of still greater magnificence and boldness of construction 
than the bridges were the harbours, canals, and similar structures. 
Hirt (" Lehre von den Gebauden," p. 367) justly remarks, " that 
even the splendour of Nero's golden house dwindles into nothing 
compared with the harbour of Ostia, the drainage works of the 
Fucinine Lake, and the two large aqueducts, Aqua Claudia and 
Anio Nova, all built by Claudius. In their waterworks the 
ancients seem to have surpassed themselves." Of the harbours 
of the Greeks, partly of considerable dimensions, we have spoken 

Fig. 370. 

before (§ 20) : in comparing them with those of the Romans we 
find the same difference as between the roads of the two nations ; 
that is, the Greeks adapt their structures to the conditions of the 
soil, while the Romans, without neglecting local advantages, as a 
rule, force Nature to their powerful will. In Greece, harbours 
generally consisted of natural bays enlarged and fortified by dams 
and similar structures : the Romans built their harbours where no 
such natural opportunities offered themselves. It is true that 
their coasts, compared with Greece, were wanting in bays and 
promontories. Instead of these, therefore, the Romans built 



dams and walls far into the sea, to obtain safe anchorage for their 
ships ; nay, entire artificial islands were produced in the sea so 
as to protect equally artificial harbours from the waves. This was 
the case, for instance, in the harbour of Centunicellse (the modern 
Civita Vecchia), built by Trajan. Of the gradual progress of this 
structure we are told by the younger Pliny (§ 31) : two enormous 

piers were being built, of 
which that to the left was 
finished first ; at the same 
time an artificial island 
in front of them was in 
progress of construction. 
Enormous loads of blocks 
of stone were brought in 
flat vessels, and thrown 
into the sea in proper 
places. In this manner 
a powerful stone wall was 
formed under the water, 
which, at the time when 
Pliny wrote, already protruded from the surface of the sea. (See 
the plan of the harbour, Fig. 371, according to Canina's design.) 

Similar structures, although on a different plan, had been 
attempted at a much earlier period* When the harbour of Ostia 
(built at the mouth of the Tiber by Ancus Martius, and already 
covered with sand about the end of the Republic) was being 
restored, we hear of an artificial island of this kind. It formed a 
breakwater in front of the large piers of the harbour, and carried 
a lighthouse almost equal in size to the celebrated Pharus in the 
harbour of Alexandria. Instead of rough stones, the Emperor 
Claudius, who took a particular pride in buildings of this kind, 
used chalk, mortar, and Puzzuolan clay. Of these materials three 
enormous pillars were built and sunk into the sea together 
with the colossal ship on which they stood.* The clay received an 
indestructible firmness by the accession of the salt water, and 
in this manner the foundation of the island was formed. As to 

Fig. 371. 

* This was the same vessel in which, under Caligula, the obelisk of the 
Vatican had been brought to Italy. By the Romans it was believed to be the 
largest vessel that ever sailed on the ocean. 



the rest, this harbour resembled that at CentunicellaG. Like the 
latter, it consisted of an outer harbour built into the sea by 
Claudius, and of a large basin afterwards dug into the shore 
by command of the Emperor Trajan. The basin was enclosed by 
freestone walls, and communicated with the outer harbour by 
artificial canals, as also with the open sea by means of the Tiber, 
the stream of which was well regulated and embanked. Fig. 372 
(scale 1,000 metres) shows Canina's design, made according to the 
existing remnants of the harbour. The ruins of the harbour of 

Claudius now lie one miglia inland, owing to the deposits of the sea. 
Our design also indicates the storehouses for grains and other 
merchandise by which the inner hexagonal basin was sur- 
rounded. A coin struck during the fifth consulate of Trajan 
(a.d. 103) gives a distinct view of this harbour and the buildings 
surrounding it. As to the arrangements of such storehouses we 





may perhaps derive some knowledge from the remains of a building 
discovered by Piranesi near the Emporium in Borne, on the left bank 
of the Tiber (see Fig. 374). It rose from 
the river to the city in terraces in accord- 
ance with the natural conditions of the 
ground. The ceilings of the store-rooms 
were vaulted ; graceful arches in the 
enclosing walls effected an 
munication with the street. 

Fig. 374 shows the view of a harbour 
from a Pompeian wall-painting. Walls 
crowned by towers serve as a means of 
protection. Storehouses sur- 
round the basin, connected 
with the shore b}^ means of 
a bridge. On an island con- 
nected with one of the jetties 
we see a temple and a dwell- 
ing-house adorned with columns, both standing on artificial 

Fiff. 373. 

Fig. 374. 

Fig. 375. 

terraces, to which lead steps. Groups of trees add to the pictur- 
esqueness of the whole. The most remarkable feature is the jetty, 



to the right of the harbour, projecting far into the sea, and 
containing a number of arcades destined for the keeping out 
of mud or for the reception of smaller vessels. 

74. We now have to consider the drainage works of the 
Romans — less imposing, but no less useful, than their harbours. 
We mention particularly the drainings of the Pontine marshes, 
the meadows of the Po, &c, where, by means of canals, ditches, 
and drains of various kinds, damp, boggy stretches of country have 
been transformed into arable land. A still more remarkable 
example of a complicated system of drainage is the city of Pome 
itself. Lying on several hills, with a river flowing through it, 
the lower parts of the city naturally were liable to the formation 
of unhealthy swamps. To remove this nuisance, a system of 
subterraneous canals was built, whose grand and skilful design 
still excites our admiration ; they serve their purpose, after about 
2,500 years, in the most perfect manner. The fundamental idea 
was to collect the water by means of a system of smaller canals 
into one large sewer, which conducted it, together with the refuse 
of the city, to the river. This chief canal, known as Cloaca 
Maxima, is still preserved for a distance of nearly 1,000 feet. 
It served, and still serves, to conduct the waters from the 
Capitoline and Palatine hills, collecting in the Yelabrum, into 
the Tiber (see its open- 
ing towards the river, 
Fig. 376). A barrel- 
vault of tufa, with arches 
of travertine inserted 
into it at intervals 
of 10 feet, covers the 
canal, which is about 
20 feet wide. Its ori- 
ginal height was 12 feet, 
now reduced to 6-7 feet 
by the mud and dust which have collected in its bed, in spite of 
frequent clearings out. The commencement of cloaca-buildings in 
general, and that of the Cloaca Maxima in particular, is generally 
ascribed to the three last kings ; several additions to the latter were 
necessitated by the increasing size of the city. Frequent clearings 
out of the canal were required, owing to the gathering of mud ; 

Fisr. 376. 



some of them, carried on at great expense, are mentioned by 
contemporary writers. One of the late extensions is ascribed to 
M. Agrippa, tbe friend of Augustus. He seems to have con- 
structed a new system of canals underneath the Campus Martins, 
one of which still passes under the floor of the Pantheon. 

Of no less importance were the structures serving as outlets of 
lakes, either to prevent inundations or to regain arable land from 
the water. Such outlets, emissaria, also are mentioned at a very 
early period. They were either open or covered, and served to 
conduct the superfluous water from the lake to lower ground. 
The greatest difficulty naturally consisted in cutting the canals 
through solid mountains, or in conducting them in subterraneous 
tunnels. This was, for instance, the case with the drainage of 
the Albanian Lake, which Livy (V. 15 et seq.) connects with the 
story of the conquest of Yeii by M. Furius Camillus (396 B.C.). 
The waterworks are still in use at the present day. From the 
high level of the lake, which lay in the crater of the old Albanian 
volcano, the water was let on by means of a shaft cut through 
the mountain for a distance of several thousand feet. According 
to the precept of the Delphic oracle, it was not led into the 
sea, but divided over the neighbouring fields, which thus were 
made fertile, the periodical inundations being at the same time 

In a similar manner, but by an open canal, the drainage of 
the Yeline Lake, in the country of the Sabii, was effected, after 
the conquest of those parts by Curius Dentatus (290 B.C.). By 
this means the country round Reate was converted into one of 
the most fertile regions of Italy. These works also are still 
in use. 

The largest structure of this kind were the drainage works of 
the Lacus Fucinas, in the country of the Marsi, which had been 
desired for a long time by the inhabitants, owing to the 
dangerous inundations, and were planned by Caesar, but not 
executed till the reign of Claudius. Here the whole basin of 
the lake was to be laid dry, and thus gained for agricultural pur- 
poses. This was effected by means of a shaft cut through the living 
rock from the lake down to the river Liris (at present called 
Grarigliano), which discharged the water into the Mediterranean, 
near Minturnse. According to ancient authors, the shaft was 



3,000 passus long by 14 high and 9 wide. Fig. 377, a c, gives 
the section of the shaft in its full length, the line a b marking the 

Fig. 377. 

horizon so as to show the strong incline of the shaft. The vertical 
and oblique lines indicate shafts and galleries leading from the 
surface to the canal ; the former destined for carrying off the 
rubbish, the latter for the descent of the workmen, thirty thousand 
of whom were occupied for eleven years in constructing the canal. 

From the emissaria we turn to the aqiicecluctits, destined to 
conduct the water necessary for human use from distant places. 
The care and skill bestowed on their construction and preservation 
was equal, if not superior, to that required by the first-mentioned 

The first thing required after the discovery of a spring in a 
high place was to collect the water in a sheltered spot. This led 
to the erection of fountain-houses, specimens of which, in Greece, 
we have before described (see Figs. 90 and 91). In Italy also 
some archaic buildings of this kind are extant, as, for instance, 
the fountain-house discovered at Tusculum, and made known in 
his description of Tusculum by Canina. It consists of an oblong 
chamber divided into several compartments, the ceiling being 
constructed by the overlaying of stones on the old Greek system, 
afterwards supplied amongst the Romans by the vault. The 
manner of conducting the water to the cities was, of course, 
modified by the nature of the soil, as well as by the material 
at hand. One way was, to conduct it underground in pipes (tubi, 
fistulce) or subterraneous canals. The pipes were generally made 
of lead or clay ; in some towns some of these have been preserved 
with the municipal stamp on them. The canals were, like the 
emissaria, either cut into the rock or, where the soil was soft, 
dug into the earth and walled in. In either case shafts or other 
openings placed at certain intervals served as communications 
of the water with the fresh air. Such openings were also 

A A 



contrived where the canal, owing to the nature of the soil, was 
sunk below its ordinary level, A hollow extension of this kind 
was called venter, and above it a perpendicular shaft was laid as far 
as, or beyond, the surface of the earth, from which in the latter 
case it protruded like a chimney. In this shaft the water rose 
again to its ordinary level, by means of which it not only com- 
municated with the open air, but also received additional pressure. 
The expenses of these aqueducts, so far as they were used for 
public purposes, were borne by the municipal governments ; the 
private use of the water for houses, land, or the carrying on of a 
trade was subjected to a tax. 

Where the aqueducts lay aboveground, it was usual to place 
them on the tops of walls (see Fig. 378). In that case the 
water- channels usually were made of freestone or 
brick, and covered, in the former case, with slabs 
of stone, in the latter with vaults. In either 
case the interior of their walls received a water- 
tight coating, consisting of chalk and fragments 
of bricks, instead of the more common sand. 
The same coating was used in canals cut through 
the rock. 

An uninterrupted wall would have been a great obstacle to 
the traffic, for which reason here also the all-important vaulting- 
principle was applied. By means of intervening arches the 
wall of the aqueduct was divided into pillars at intervals, suffi- 
ciently large to leave space for the passage of roads, or even of 
rivers, without endangering the firmness of the structure. As 
an example we cite the arches of different dimensions across the 
Fiora Valley, near Yolci, which carry both a road and an aqueduct 
(see p. 345, Fig. 367). 

The Porta Maggiore in Eome (see p. 338, Fig. 357) ought 
also to be mentioned again as being part of two of the most cele- 
brated Roman aqueducts. We have stated above how across the 
arches of this gate the waters of the Aqua Claudia and of the 
Anio Nova were conducted into the city in two different channels. 
Both aqueducts were begun by Caligula (a.d. 38), and finished 
fourteen years later by Claudius. The former, comparable by 
the excellency of its water to the celebrated Aqua Marcia,* began 
* Called since its restoration by Pius IX. , 21st June, 1870, Aqua Pia. 



near the thirty-fifth milestone of the Yia Sublacensis, in the 
Sabine Mountains, and was fed by two plentiful springs, besides 
receiving part of the Aqua Marcia. Owing to some turns 
necessitated by local conditions the length of the aqueduct was 
extended to forty-five miles, thirty-five of which were taken up by 
subterraneous canals, the remaining ten by open-air structures. 
The Anio Nova was fed, as its name indicates, by the river Anio, 
the word nova being added to distinguish it from an older 
aqueduct, Anio Yetus. It commenced at the sixty-second mile- 
stone of the same road, and received its water not immediately 
from the river, but from a basin into which it was led for the 
purpose of purification ; near the thirty-eighth milestone a spring 
of still purer water, the Rivus Herculaneus, joined the aqueduct. 
Its whole length amounts to sixty-two Roman miles, partly above, 
partly under ground. About six miles from the city the two 
aqueducts join, and are carried on to the end by a common 
structure of arches, in some places 109 feet high ; the channel of 
the Anio Nova, lying above that of the Aqua Claudia, was 
considered to be the highest aqueduct in Rome. 

Some provincial aqueducts reach a still greater height. One 
of them is found near Nemausus pNismes), in southern Gaul, whose 
beautiful temple we have mentioned before. The magnificent 
aqueduct, which crosses a valley, is in a good state of preservation. 
Its highest portion, known as Pont du Gard, rises in two stories 
to a height of nearly 150 feet. A row of smaller arcades 
is added on the top of the chief structure. The arcades are 
wide-arched, and convey the impression of a bold, graceful con- 
struction. Of a similar kind were the aqueducts of Segovia and 
Tarragona in Spain. The former is 2,400 feet long, and consists 
of a row of vaulted arcades : where the valley is deepest, the 
arcades rise in two stories up to a height of 100 Castilian feet, 
combining grace with firmness of structure. Owing to its excel- 
lent construction the aqueduct is still in good preservation.* The 
aqueduct of Tarragona is 876 feet long by 83 high. 

So much about the aqueducts themselves. Many other con- 
trivances were, however, required to make and keep the water 
fit for human use, as also to distribute it regularly. For the 

* See Andres Gomez de Sommorostro, " El Acueducto y otras Antiguedades de 
Segovia." Madrid, 1820. 

A A 2 


former purpose we mention, besides the shafts described above, 
the so-called castella, or reservoirs for collecting and purifying the 
water. At the beginning of the Anio Nova, for instance, lay 
a large mud-reservoir {piscina limaria), destined for filtering the 
water from the river. At the Aqua Yirgo the waters of several 
springs had to be collected in separate reservoirs before being led 
into the common aqueduct. 

The above-mentioned castella also served different purposes 
(see Fig. 379, representing a castellum of the Aqua Claudia). 

According to Yitruvius, they had to be 
repeated at intervals of 24,000 feet, par- 
ticularly in high aqueducts, their purpose 
being chiefly to give opportunities for 
distributing the water amongst the in- 
habitants of the surrounding countries ; 
in case of stoppages, they also consi- 
derably facilitated the finding of the 
damaged places. Particular care was 
required for the castella at the ends of the aqueducts, from which 
the distribution of the water for the different purposes of the town 
took place. According to Vitruvius, the water seems to have been 
divided into three portions — one for the public fountains, the other 
for the thermse, and the third for private use. For these three 
purposes three reservoirs served, each fed by a separate pipe ; by 
means of other pipes the water was further distributed from these 
reservoirs. As, moreover, the water had to be divided over several 
quarters of the town, a number of smaller castella, and indeed a 
whole system of canals and reservoirs (247 of such are counted), 
became necessary, the excellent management of which, by a 
numerous staff, is a brilliant proof of the practical capacities of 
the Romans. Besides the usefulness of this quantity of water, 
it also served to embellish Home. Numerous fountains adorned 
the city ; M. Agrippa alone is said to have placed 105 jets. 
Home still has the reputation of possessing a greater number of 
fountains than any other city in the world. 

The above-mentioned piscinae could also be constructed on a 
larger scale, in which case they became real reservoirs. In order 
to keep the water pure and cool a vault was constructed over 
the basin. As an example of these magnificent structures, we 

Fig. 379. 



quote the piscina at Fermo (see section, Fig. 380), which contains 
in two stories six wide oblong compartments covered with so, 
called barrel - vaults, and connected 
with each other by means of smaller 
openings. Fig. 381 shows the large 
reservoir still preserved near Baiae, 
which is known as Piscina Mirabile. 
It is 270 palms long by 108 wide, and 
is covered with a vault broken by ven- 
tilation holes, and carried by forty-eight 
detached slender pillars. Two stairs of 
forty steps each lead to the bottom 
of the reservoir, in the centre of which 
is a considerable cavity for the reception 
of the settling mud. Walls and pillars 
are coated with a peculiar kind of very 
hard stucco, impenetrable, it is said, even 
to iron. 

75. In the private buildings of the 
Romans we discover the same mixture 
of old Italian and Greek elements as in 
their temples. 

In order to understand the peculiarities of the Roman 
dwelling-house as distinguished from the Greek (see § 22) we 
have to consider the three most important parts of the former, 
as they can be plainly recognised from existing specimens. As 
is generally known, the three towns of Pompeii, Stabiae, and 
Herculaneum were buried by an eruption of Vesuvius in 79 a.d. 
While the two latter towns were more or less destroyed by 
streams of lava, Pompeii was only covered with ashes ; after, 
therefore, the ashes and the arable land on the top of them 
have been removed the buried buildings reappear in their 
original condition, unless they have been damaged by fire. In 
this way we gain a perfect idea of a provincial town, which, 
although Oscio-Samnitic by origin and Greek by development,* 
still, by its long connection with the Roman empire, may, 
in its present condition, be considered as essentially Roman. 

* Some of the oldest buildings, as, for instance, the so-called temple of Hercules, 
show the old Doric style. 



The dwelling-houses there preserved may therefore be fairly 
quoted as proofs, and indeed the only remaining proofs, of the 
Greek influence on private architecture. 

The historic Roman house must be divided into a front space 
partly covered [atrium), a centre space wholly covered (tablinum), 
and adjoining it an open court surrounded by columns (peristy- 
lium). These three parts are found in the same order in almost 
every house, other smaller rooms being grouped round them in 
various ways. The atrium seems to be of exclusively Italian 
origin, as is proved by its mode of design entirely differing 
from Greek architecture, as also by its name. It consists of 
a square space covered by a roof which projects from the four 
walls, only a square opening being left in the centre. In this 
simplest form, of which several examples are known to us, the 
atrium is called Tuscanicum, for, like most other old Italian 
institutions, it was believed to owe its origin to the Etruscans 
(compare § 61 et seq.). Varro and other Roman antiquarians 
adhering to this notion have derived the name from the Etruscan 
town of Hatria ; others derive the word from the Greek aiOpiov, 
or from the Latin ater (black). According to the former etymo- 
logy, atrium would mean a room open to the sky (v7r aWpiw) ; 
according to the latter, which is now generally accepted, a room 
blackened by the smoke of the hearth placed here. The 
latter explanation implies that the atrium was the chief room 
of the Italian house, owing to its containing the hearth, or, which 
is the same in other words, that, with the rooms immediately 
adjoining, it originally was the Italian house itself. 

In sacred parlance, which retains the oldest ideas and expres- 
sions longer than any other, the house of King Numa is called 
atrium regium, which perhaps is identical with the atrium 
Vesta, for this house lay close to the temple of Yesta, i.e. 
the common hearth of the Roman State. An old legal custom 
also proves the high age of the atrium. The opening in 
the centre of the roof was, as we said before, an essential 
feature of the atrium. Through it the smoke ascended, but 
also the rain entered, for which latter reason it was called, in 
conjunction with the slight excavation of the floor just under- 
neath it, the impluvium and compluvium. The old law alluded to 
prescribed that if a man in fetters entered the house of the : 



Flamen dialis, these fetters were to be taken from him and 
thrown through the impluvium into the street, which proves 
sufficiently that at the time the law was made the atrium was 
an essential part of the house. 

The simplicity of early times easily leads to the conclusion of 
the atrium having been the old Italian house itself ; it was, like 
the court surrounded by columns in 
the Greek house, at once the starting- 
point and the remaining essential 
feature of later developments. Marini 
(see his " Vitruvius," c. III., Fig. 2) 
has attempted to reconstruct the old 
Italian house on this basis. As an 
important, though indirect, proof of our 
opinion we also mention an old Etruscan box of ashes discovered 
at Poggio Gajello (see Fig. 382). It is evidently intended for the 
imitation of a house, as is not unfrequently the case with similar 
boxes. We can distinguish the protruding roof (mentioned by 
Vitruvius as a feature of the old Etruscan temple), the doors, and 
the impluvium, which is indicated by a cavity in the raised centre 
portion of the house, which accordingly consisted only of the 
atrium, surrounded perhaps by some smaller rooms. 

' IUI1 J ' ) structure, and are evidently reminiscences 

of the original form. Fig. 383 shows the 
design, Fig. 384 (scale, 18 feet) the section, of one of these ; 
besides a shop (b) lying towards the street, and a small passage (a), 
it consists exclusively of the atrium. The roof, protruding on 
three sides (on the fourth there is a simple wall), is supported 



by two columns (c), to which correspond two semi-columns in 
the wall ; d indicates the impluvium. Within the atrium, and 
under the same roof with it, we see a small separate compartment 
(g), to the upper story of which (most likely the bedroom of the 
slaves) leads a staircase (/) ; a larger room (e) adjoining the 
atrium is evidently the sitting and bed room of the owner 
(cuhicuhim), the small compartment observable in it being most 
likely a sort of alcove for his bed. 

Another house, the design of which is shown, Fig. 385 
(scale, 18 feet), is of no less importance. Here again we see 
nothing but an atrium (c) f enclosed on two sides by the 
walls of the house, while the two other sides 
open into various rooms. We first observe 
the entrance-hall (a) and a small chamber (h), 
to the upper story of which leads a staircase 
(b) ; the other rooms (/, /, g) communicate 
with the atrium by means of narrow doors. 
The atrium itself, like the above-mentioned 
Tuscan one, is without columns ; the roof 
protrudes equally from the four walls without 
further props ; the impluvium (d) is com- 
paratively small. A particularly important 
feature of this house is another room (e) not 
hitherto met with, which adjoins one long side of the atrium, into 
which it opens completely, and not by means of doors, as in other 
cases. On comparing the design of the older Greek house (Fig. 
92) we shall find that this room (e) lies in a similar position to the 
atrium as the prostas (Fig. 92, C) does to the court (B), with the 
only difference that in our present case, for want of space, the room 
could not, like the prostas, be placed opposite the entrance. This 
room (e) therefore becomes the chief apartment of the whole 
house, and we recognise in it the simplest form of the tablinum, 
to which we shall return presently. 

The modifications of this original type of the dwelling-house 
were, as in the temple, caused by the intrusion of Greek 
elements. Here also they consist, first of all, of an enlargement 
of the house. As we remarked before, the greater number of 
existing Roman dwelling-houses contain, besides the atrium, a 
second important part, viz. the court surrounded by a colonnade. 



The mode of extending the house for natural reasons resembled 
that explained by us with regard to the Greek dwelling (compare 
Fig. 93 et seq.). We there recognised the court and the prostas 
as the oldest parts, to which afterwards a second back court was 
added. This court we also observe in most Roman houses. 
Between it and the atrium lies an open hall, called tablinum, 
which thus forms the centre of the house. It lies in the same 
place and served the same purpose as the prostas in the Greek 
dwelling. It was reserved to the master of the house, who from 
it could overlook the two other divisions ; here he kept his money 
and documents, here he transacted his business. Zumpt calls it 
the office, or writing-room, of the owner, and derives its name 
from tabellce (writing-tablets) ; another derivation is that from 
tabulce, tabellce, i.e. family-pictures, which are said to have hung 
in the tablinum.* Notwithstanding its being open and lying 
between the atrium and peristylium, the tablinum was not used 
as a passage between the two ; slaves and other domestics rarely 
entered it ; some remaining traces seem to indicate that it could 
be closed by means of sliding doors or curtains. The communi- 
cation between the atrium and peristylium was effected by means 
of narrow corridors {fauces) running mostly alongside the tablinum. 

The peristylium f is the court added to the Eoman house at 
a later period, after Greek architecture had become prevalent. 
According to Greek patterns, it was surrounded by columns ; its 
name also is Greek ; while tablinum and atrium are derived from 
Latin roots. It is natural, and moreover confirmed by Yitruvius's 
statement and the remaining specimens, that in the houses of 
the less wealthy classes the peristylium, if found at all, was 
of secondary importance compared with the atrium ; in many 
cases it certainly was very unlike the regular court surrounded 
by colonnades on its four sides prescribed by Vitruvius. Some 
houses in Pompeii have a court without any columns, instead 
of the peristylium. The Casa della Toeletta del Ermafrodito, or 
di Adone ferito (called so from the pictures found in it), at 

* According to other accounts, these family pictures were kept in separate rooms, 
called ala, the position of which seems uncertain but for the undisputed fact of 
their being part of the atrium. 

t The expression, cavum adium, which occurs frequently, and has been explained 
in various ways, seems to be applicable to the peristylium. 



Pompeii shows a regular and spacious atrium ; while the 
peristylium (the open part of which is not longer than the 
atrium) shows columns only on two sides, the two others being oc- 
cupied by the walls, which enclose the house towards two streets 
crossing each other. A similar design we find in the peristylium 
of the Casa della Caccia, or di Dedalo e Pasifae, but for its being 
still more irregular, owing to the want of a rectangular termina- 
tion ; the atrium of this house also is spacious, and perfectly 
regular. The latter is the' case also in the house of Sallustius, the 
peristylium of which is surrounded by columns on three sides. 

We must omit other more or less irregular designs, and turn 
to a house at Pompeii which is remarkable both for the regularity 
of the corps de logis of the owner, and also for the manner in which 
other parts of the premises have been made useful for mercantile 
purposes, or let out to other persons. We are speaking of the 
house of Pansa, so called after the inscription on the facade, which, 
however, does not indicate the owner. The house, including the 

Fig. 386. 

above-mentioned smaller habitations, is a complete oblong, sur- 
rounded by streets on all four sides (in front by that of Delle 
Terme), and therefore forming a so-called insula. The dwelling 
of the owner is surrounded on three sides by smaller houses 
(see Fig. 386), which appear hatched in our Plan. Part of the 
facade and the right side of the premises are occupied by 
various buildings, used partly as shops, partly let to so-called 
minor lodgers. The chief part of the opposite side is taken 



up by a bakery, with the mill (12) belonging to it, and by 
three shops (tabernm) with small apartments attached to them. The 
entrance to the dwelling-house lies between two shops, let sepa- 
rately. A narrow hall (vestibulum, 1),* the inner threshold of 
which shows a " Salve " in mosaic, leads to the spacious atrium 
(2 2), the impluvium of which is marked 3 in our plan. Six side- 
chambers (cubicula) communicate with the atrium by means of 
doors ; two other rooms being entirely open towards it may 
be considered as the side-wings of the atrium, whence their 
name aim (compare the Greek house, Fig. 92, 4, 5, and Fig. 93). 
Opposite the entrance lies the tablinum (4), which, both by 
its position and the beautiful mosaic on its floor, is marked as 
the chief room of the house. Although open towards both sides 
of the house, it did not serve as a passage, the communication 
being effected by narrow corridors (fauces, 5) to the right of the 
tablinum. On its left, towards the atrium, lies a good- sized room 
(6), which shows a mosaic floor similar to that of the tablinum. 
Remains of written documents have been found in it, whence 
it is believed to have been the archive or library of the owner. 
On the opposite side, separated from the tablinum by the fauces, 
lies a smaller apartment, the entrance of which lies towards the 
peristylium. Overbeck believes this to be a winter triclinium, 
frequently met with in a similar situation. We now come to the 
beautiful symmetrical peristylium (7) (20*15 x 13*10 metres), 
the open centre space (8) of which is surrounded by sixteen 
graceful columns of the Ionic -Korinthian order ; its floor is 
occupied by a fountain (piscina), the sides of which, two metres in 
height, are painted with fish and water-plants. A narrow passage 
between two of the out-houses led from the peristylium into 
the side street. Several rooms open into the colonnade of the 
peristylium, those to the left of the entrance being bedrooms 
(cubicula) ; while a larger room on the right was the triclinium, f 
or dining-room, the adjoining room serving as pantry, or as assem- 

* Some authors (in accordance with Vitruvius, vi. 8) call vestibulum an open space 
in front of the house. In Pompeii there is no example of such, unless we call the 
small space immediately before the door (ostium, janua) by that name, in which case 
the word iter (used by Vitruvius) would apply to the entrance-hall. Vestibulum 
seems to have been used by the ancients in different senses. 

f About the arrangement of the triclinium we shall speak at greater length (§ 88), 
but we omit the description of the banqueting-halls (ceci). 


bling-room for the jugglers and dancers appearing towards the 
close of the meal. Behind the peristylium lies a garden, the 
connection between which and the peristylium is formed by a 
second kind of tablinum, the oecus (9) or state-room of the house. 
A corridor (10) by the side of the oecus, and communicating with 
it by means of a door, proves that the oecus itself was not 
used as a passage. To the left of the last-mentioned corridor lay 
the kitchen, and another room in which the dishes were dressed. 
The back facade, adorned with a portico, is joined by a garden 
(11), the regularly shaped beds (where most likely vegetables 
were grown), as also the lead pipes for watering the garden, are 
still visible ; in the background, opposite the entrance to the oecus, 
seems to have been a sort of open hall (12). 

One of the shops adjoining the dwelling-house was connected 
with the atrium by means of a back room (the blank com- 
partment of our plan, the second to the left of the entrance). 
Perhaps the owner here sold the produce of his garden or estate. 
The largest and best preserved of the offices is the bakery 
(pistrimim) , lying in the left division of the facade, next to 
the last-mentioned shop. Here we see the well-preserved oven, 
the mills, baking-table, water-reservoir, &c. Other shops were 
used for the sale of different goods, as, for instance, the 
colours used for wall-paintings. The owners lived in the dark 
rooms behind their shops, or in the rooms on the upper flats, to 
which led stairs from the shops. There are indisputable indi- 
cations of the existence of a second story in this house, 
even parts of the floors of the upper rooms have been preserved. 
Mazois, to whom we owe a masterly publication of Pompeian 
buildings, remarks that here objects of female toilette have been 
discovered, which makes it appear probable that the sitting and 
bed rooms of the women lay on the second floor. According to 
Mazois's trustworthy design the rooms of this upper story were 
lower than those of the ground-floor ; they were grouped round 
the two large open rooms of the house, so however that their walls 
did not take away air and light from the atrium and peristylium. 
Their windows, as far, at least, as the chief dwelling-house is con- 
cerned, looked towards the interior. The staircases in the out- 
houses here also prove the existence of a second floor, the windows 
of which, of course, lay towards the street (see Fig. 388). 



Rome, of course, differed in many respects from provincial 
towns. Originally built without a plan and on uneven ground, 
its narrow angular streets were inhabited, about the time of 
the Antonines, by nearly a million and a half of people. Only 
the wealthy could have houses of their own, the middle and 
poorer classes living in hired lodgings. Speculators erected 
houses of many stories, of light woodwork or bad material, 
repairs were neglected, and enormous rents had to make up for 
the losses of the owners caused by their houses breaking down or 
being consumed by fire — daily occurrences in Eome. As early 
as the Republic houses of three or four flats were common in Rome. 
By a law of Augustus the street-frontage of do private house was 
allowed to exceed 70 feet (Roman measure), which limit was, 
after the fire of Nero, further reduced to 60 feet. 

a b g d 

Fig. 387. 

To conclude we add (Fig. 387) the section of a regular and 
tasteful middle-class house, the so-called Casa di Championnet, 
at Pompeii : a indicates the passage leading from the street to the 
atrium ; b the atrium, the ceiling of which is carried by four 
slender columns : here lies the altar-like mouth (puteal) of a 
cistern, also met with in the peristylium of the house of Pansa ; 
c is the tablinum, the walls of which are still adorned with 
paintings ; d the peristylium, the open space of which is occupied 
by a cavity used as a conservatory ; underneath this is a vaulted 
cellar (hypogmim) for the keeping of stores. 

76. "We add a few further remarks about the outward 
appearance of the houses, as also about certain modifications 
of their ordinary design. About the facades we know but little, 
seeing that in Pompeii all the upper stories of houses have 


been destroyed. Most likely they were generally in very simple 
taste ; for antique private architecture was chiefly intent upon 
the decoration of the inner apartments. The frontages of houses 
may, however, have been adorned in a simple way. We must 
distinguish between houses with or without shops in front. Of 
such shops we have already seen some examples (Figs. 385 
and 386). They seem to have been open towards the street 
in their full width. The want of architectural beauty was 
supplied by a tasteful arrangement of the goods, in which the 
Italians of the present day, particularly with regard to fruit and 
other eatables, are still unsurpassed. 

Of a house without a shop, opening towards the street only by 
a door, Mazois has attempted the reconstruction (Fig. 388), The 
facade shows a door in the centre between two Korinthian pilasters ; 
the walls to the right and left are coated with stucco imitating 
freestone, the lower part representing large slabs, the upper 

regular layers of small stones. A 
simple ledge finishes the lower story, 
over which a second story has been 
erected, with three small windows in it. 
The second story protruded from the 
surface in the manner of a bow- window, 
as is proved by several houses in the 
lane del Balcone Pensile at Pompeii. 
As to the manner of closing the win- . 
dow-holes we are uncertain in most 
cases. Sometimes movable wooden 
shutters have been used, as is proved 
by the wooden frames found beside the windows of the house of 
the " tragic poet " at Pompeii ; in other cases thin broken 
tablets of clay served the purpose, of which also several specimens 
have been preserved at Pompeii ; we further hear of a transparent 
stone (lapis specularis) being used for the same purpose ; window- 
panes of artificial glass have also been found at Pompeii. 

Several specimens of doors (see Fig. 389) have been pre- 
served to us : about the construction of their leaves and the 
manner of closing them we shall speak hereafter (§ 93). Fig. 389 
shows a very simple door found at Pompeii. We there see the 
small window -like opening in the pilasters, through which the 

Fig. 388. 



porter (ostiarius) could look at the callers after they had knocked 
with the knocker, also visible in our illustration. The most 
striking point on entering the house is the painting of the walls. 
The thorough artistic taste of all classes is 
proved by the fact of the walls of even 
poorer houses being always either decorated 
pictorially or at least painted. The care- 
ful plastering of the walls, much supe- 
rior to our present method, is equalled by 
the execution of the paintings themselves, 
which, although sometimes technically im- 
perfect and mechanical in design, still give 
us some notion of the proportionately higher 
finish of real antique art. The large mytho- 
logical figure-pictures painted on, or let into, the centre-pieces of 
walls at Pompeii and Herculaneum show the prevailing in- 

Fig. 389. 

Fiar. 390. 

fluence of Greek art, while the landscapes, still lives, and archi- 
tectural decorations are more specifically Roman in taste. 

To these wall-paintings also we shall have to return (see § 93). 

We add a few illustrations of single parts of houses, designed 



in accordance with the remaining specimens. Fig. 390 shows 
the open court of the house of Sallustius (also called the house of 
Actaeon) turned into a garden. One side of it is occupied by the 
wall of the house, while the other shows a colonnade with a low 
wall (pluteus) in the columnar interstices ; on the third side, near 
a fountain, the remains of which still exist, stands a sort of 
verandah or bower, decorated by Mazois in the well-known 
manner of a triclinium. 

Fig. 391 shows the interior of the house of Pansa, from the 
reconstructive design of Gell. "We first see the atrium, con- 
taining statues and other objects ; several alse and cubicula open 

Fig. 391. 

into it (compare Fig. 386) ; we further see the triclinium, to the 
left of which lies a cabinet ; while to the right we discover the 
corridors or fauces leading to the large peristylium, which itself 
is visible in the distance with its lofty colonnades. Everything 
gives the idea of a secluded comfortable home. 

Where the wealth of the owner or the situation of the house 
in the country gave additional space to the architect, he was 
naturally tempted to develop new and enlarged modes of design. 
This led, in the former case, to the palace ; in the latter, to the 
villa. This distinction, however, cannot always be preserved ; 
for, on the one hand, the town-palaces of later times sometimes 
comprised pleasure-grounds, &c, belonging properly to a country 



residence ; while, 011 the other hand, the villa of a rich, luxurious 
Poman took the form of a monumental palace. 

During the last century of the Republic the splendid mansions 
of private persons begin to be mentioned more and more fre- 
quently. We only remind the reader of the house built on the 
Palatine by M. iEmilius Scaurus, the stepson of the dictator, 
L. Cornelius Sulla, a man celebrated for his wealth. He first bought 
one of the most celebrated houses of the time, that of Cn. Octavius, 
with adjacent pieces of ground, to erect his own mansion on 
the site. As a specimen of great luxury Pliny mentions the marble 
columns, thirty-eight feet in height, which adorned the fore-court. 
They most likely had formerly belonged to the theatre built by 
Scaurus (see § 84), and their size certainly implies a locality of 
more than ordinary dimensions, even if compared with the larger 
dwelling-houses at Pompeii. Mazois has attempted a conjectural 
design of the palace of Scaurus, which gives an idea of the 
splendour and variety of its single parts. But all this was far 
surpassed by the buildings of imperial times, of which we will 
only mention the " golden house " of Nero, the product of an 
exaggerated love of splendid architecture which did not shrink 
from incendiarism to satisfy its craving on the ruins of Pome. 
The palace was built on the Palatine, and extended from there, 
by means of intermediate structures (domus, transitoria), to 
the Esquiline, containing all the luxuries and conveniences 
imaginable. A fore-court surrounded by a triple colonnade 
(a Eoman mile, or 1,478*50 metres, long) contained the statue of 
the emperor, 37 metres in height ; ponds of the size of lakes, 
with rows of houses on their banks, gardens, vineyards, meadows, 
and woods inhabited by tame and ferocious animals, occupied the 
various courts ; the walls of the rooms were covered with gold, 
jewels, and pearls ; the ivory with which the ceiling of the 
dining-halls was inlaid was made to slide back, so as to admit 
a rain of roses or fragrant waters on the heads of the carousers. 
Under Otho this gigantic building was continued at an expense 
of about £525,000, but only to be pulled down for the greater part 
by Yespasian. On the site of the above-mentioned ponds stood 
the large amphitheatre finished by Titus (see § 85), and on the 
foundations of Nero's buildings on the Esquiline the thermae of 
the same emperor were erected. The Palatine proper remained the 

B B 


chief residence of the later emperors, who greatly altered the 
original arrangements. The excavations ordered by Napoleon III. 
and Pius IX., and conducted by the architect Rosa, have yielded 
the most important contributions to the history of the Palatine 
edifices, from the oldest times of the Roma Quadrata down to 
the Flavii. 

A work of later date must serve to give us a more distinct 
idea of Roman palatial architecture. We are speaking of the 
palace erected by the Emperor Diocletian on the coast of 
Dalmatia, near his birthplace, Salona, where he spent the last 
years of his life after his abdication. On the few occasions when 
this large and splendid building is mentioned by ancient authors 
it is simply called a villa. It might more properly be described 
as a castle fortified in the manner of a camp (see § 70), for the 
whole area occupied by the palace and other houses adjoining it 
is enclosed on three sides by a solid wall, protected by square 
or octagonal towers. The whole space thus enclosed is about 
500 feet wide by 600 long. Amongst the ruins of the house 
now lies a great part of the town of Spalatro. Between the 

centre pair of the above-men- 
tioned towers on each of the 
three sides lies a gate (compare 
Fig. 356), those on the two long 
sides being connected by means 
of a street, just as we found it 
in the Saalburg, near Homburg 
(compare Fig. 354). Another 
street, crossing the first in the 
centre, starts from the gate 
on the third, narrower side, 
without, however, being con- 
tinued to the opposite side. 
This street, after passing be- 
tween two temples, ends in 
what may be considered as the 
vestibule or entrance-hall of the 
imperial palace proper. This palace occupied the fourth side towards 
the sea. Instead of the solid walls we here see an open passage 
with arcades, into which open the numerous different apartments 

Fig. 392. 



of the imperial dwelling. The view of the sea and surrounding- 
country is beautiful. The space of the whole area not occupied 
by the palace itself (see plan, Fig. 392) is divided into four 
quarters by means of the above-mentioned streets, the two outer 
ones being taken up by the houses for the body-guard and other 
attendants of the emperor, while the two remaining quarters 
form open spaces, with a temple standing in the centre of each. 
One of these temples, to the left of the palace-entrance is a 
simple prostylos of moderate dimensions ; the other is a fine 
specimen of the vaulted round temple, for, although octagonal 
in its outer shape, it is circular in the interior. The wall is 
adorned with two rows of columns, one above the other, and by 
an elegant cupola. 

There is no room within the enclosing wall for gardens and 
fields, and it is moreover mentioned expressly that these lay 
outside. The character of the architecture is rich and splendid, 
but shows a decline if compared with the purity of the eDd of the 
Republic and the beginning of the Empire. 

Yillas proper, i.e. country residences, were greatly in favour 
with wealthy Romans, and we in consequence possess numerous 
descriptions of them of various dates, on the authority of which 
architects and scholars since Pirro Ligorio have attempted various 
reconstructive designs. The old villa rustica, of which Cato and 
after him Yarro speak, comprises a combination of the dwelling- 
houses and of the various buildings required for farming purposes. 
Yarro already complains of the latter consideration being thrown 
into the background by the desire of transforming large agri- 
cultural districts into beautiful landscapes, the villas themselves 
being at the same time reconstructed on the luxurious system of 
town architecture [villa urbana). Yitruvius, wdiose statements 
about the villa rustica tally with those of Yarro, says that the 
villa urbana was constructed like a town house, with the distinc- 
tion of its being more regular in design, and that of its site 
being chosen better than the narrow space between the adjoining 
houses of a street would permit. The increasing scale of luxury 
and comfort may be marked by comparing the simplicity of the 
older Scipio's Linternum in Campania, or the family-seat of 
Cicero at Arpinum, with the more comfortable villa of the latter 
at Tusculum or his Formianum, and finally with the splendid 

B B 2 



country residences of Metellus and Lucullus. We possess the 
description and partly the remains of some of the villas of 
imperial times, which give us a high idea of the variety and 
splendour of their architectural arrangements. The younger 
Pliny has described in two letters his Tuscum (Ep. V., 6; compare 
§ 94) and his villa at Laurentum (II., 17). He there mentions 
a great number of apartments, halls, courts, baths, and other 
conveniences for the enjoyment of life in different weathers and 
seasons ; he at the same time notices the absence of fish-ponds, 
museums, libraries, &c, such as were considered indispensable 
at other villas. These statements refer to the time of Trajan. 
Of the time of Hadrian we know the villa constructed for himself 
by that art-loving emperor at Tibur, the former splendour of 
which is still visible in the numerous remains of it found near 
the modern Tivoli ; a short description of the same villa by 
Spartianus (v. Hadriani, 26) assists us further in realising its 
grand design. The ground belonging to it had a circumference 
of seven Horn an miglie. We are still able to distinguish two 
larger theatres, and an odeum, smaller in size, and destined, most 
likely, for musical performances ; a great number of chambers, still 
recognisable, seem to have been destined for the pilgrims visiting 
a temple and oracle here situated ; other rooms in a still better state 
of preservation (" le Cento Camarelle ") may have belonged 
to the emperor's body-guard. Near them lie the ruins of what 
is supposed to have been the emperor's dwelling. Other structures 
were called by the names of celebrated buildings in different 
provinces of the empire. The Canopus (an imitation of the 
temple of Serapis at Canopus) mentioned by Spartianus has been 
recognised in the ruin of a round temple lying in a valley, 
enclosed architecturally. It was adorned with numerous statues 
in the Egyptian style, the remains of which are in the Capitoline 
Museum. Other ruins containing the remains of baths are said 
to have been the Lyceum and Academy ; a large square surrounded 
by columns was the Poikile, adjoining which lie a basilica and a 
round building, most likely the Prytaneum mentioned by Spar- 
tianus. Even the valley of Tempe had been imitated, while 
Hades is recognised by some in a still-preserved labyrinth of 
subterraneous chambers. The architecture was technically per- 
fect, as is shown by the remaining brick walls and vaults : some 



of the ruins seem to prove that the walls were adorned with slabs 
of marble, and that the vaulted ceilings were coated with stucco. 
Numerous fragments of columns, beams, valuable pavements, and 
sculptures have been (during the last three centuries) and are still 
being recovered from the ruins. 

To illustrate the simpler villas of the higher middle class we 
have inserted the plan of the so-called villa suburbana of M. Arrius 
Diomedes at Pompeii (Fig. 393 ; scale, 100 feet). It lies near the 
city in the street of graves, which passes the building in an 
oblique direction. The ground in this place slopes downwards 

Fig. 393. 

from the street ; and as the house has to follow this declivity, 
the front parts (marked in our plan by black lines) lie higher 
than the back ones (marked by hatched lines), rising above them 
in the form of terraces. Near the entrance the pavement of the 
street is raised, and from it seven further steps ascend to the door 
(1) through which one enters the peristylium (2), quite in 
accordance with Vitruvius's (VI., 8) rules for such villas, called by 
him pseudourbance ; in the position of the peristylium they there- 
fore differ essentially from town-houses. Fourteen Doric columns 
(the lower third of which is not fluted, but painted red, while the 
two upper thirds are white and fluted) form the peristylium, and 



surround a compluvium, the water of which communicated with 
two fountains (puteal) between the columns. On the side opposite 
the door of the peristylium lies the tablinum (3), the other sides 
being adjoined by smaller chambers, some of which were bed- 
rooms, as appears from the beds worked into the walls. The 
tablinum opens into a sort of gallery (4), connected on one side 
with the peristylium by means of fauces, and opening on the 
other into a large hall (5), the cecus. This again opens into a 
second large court with colonnades by means of a window reaching 
almost to the ground. The enclosing walls of the space hitherto 

Fig. 394. 

described are marked black in our plan, the hatched lines between 
them being meant for the walls of smaller chambers on the 
ground floor underneath it. The just-mentioned court (6), mea- 
suring 33 square metres, was surrounded by a vaulted passage 
(7), supported by pillars (cryptoporticus) , two sides of which are 
in perfect preservation ; to judge by some of the remains it must 
have had a second story. In the centre of the court lies a large 
piscina adorned with a jet, and behind it an open structure 
resembling a temple, which most likely served as triclinium in 
the summer. The six columns formerly supporting it are partly 



preserved. To the left of the street-door we notice a triangular 
court (8) enclosed on two sides by a covered passage, the third 
longer side being occupied by a cold plunging-bath. We also 
find a tepidarium (9) and calidarium (10) for tepid and hot baths, 
in the latter of which the tub for the hot. water, the niche for the 
labrum, and the heating apparatus are preserved (compare § 80). 
Remarkable is also a beautiful bedroom (11), the semicircular 
projection of which contains three large windows, to let in the 
sun in the morning, afternoon, and evening ; the view from these 
windows is beautiful. The back wall of this room contains the 
alcove for the bed, that could be closed by means of a curtain, 
as is proved by the rings still in existence ; 12 marks a small 
chamber, through which, by means of a staircase, one passed 
into the lower story and the rooms lying near the large court. 
To conclude we add (Fig. 394) the view of a villa by the sea, 
from a Pompeian wall-painting. 

77. From the houses of the living we pass to graves and 
grave - monuments. Amongst the numerous and variegated 
Roman graves we must limit our remarks to a few specimens. 
Almost all the different kinds of Roman tombs have their ana- 
logies in Greek architecture. We cannot discuss the question 
whether, as seems likely, the old Latin or Italian custom consisted 
in simply covering the corpse with earth ; neither will we try 
to determine when this custom was superseded by the construc- 
tion of grave-chambers or detached monuments for the reception 
of the ashes of burnt bodies. Certain it is that at the time when 
this was done models for all the varieties of tombs as developed 
by the Greeks (see §§ 23 and 24) were to be found amongst 
the neighbouring Etruscans. Amongst the Etruscan tombs we 
distinguish the subterraneous grave- chamber, the tomb cut into 
the rock with a more or less elaborate facade, and finally the 
detached grave-mounds. Of the first kind the old graves of 
Caere and the burial-places of Yulci and Corneto offer numerous 

Amongst the former we have chosen the grave known as 
Tomba delle Sedie (see plan, Fig. 395, and section, Fig. 396). 
The plan shows an inclined passage leading (partly by means 
of steps) down to a vestibule, into which open three doors ; the 
two at the sides lead each into a chamber all but square in shape 



id) ; the third between these two is the entrance to the chief 
burial- chamber (a) . It is an oblong, and shows on the wall opposite 
the entrance two stone chairs (see Fig. 396), whence the name 

Fig. 395. 

Fig. 396. 

of the grave is derived ; along the other three 
walls run benches (c). After this chief apart- 
ment follow three smaller chambers, of which 
that on the right contains a niche in the 
wall (b). 

Of graves cut into the rock we find several examples in the 
narrow valleys of Norchia and Castell d'Asso, the steep slopes 
of which contain the entrances to the graves ; steps lead up to 
them. Some of the facades are adorned with columns (compare 
Lenoir, " Tombeaux de Norchia." Ann. delF Instit., IY. 289 ; 
"Mon. Ined.," I., tav. XLVIIL 4), while others (see Fig. 397) 

Fig. 397. 

show no artificial work beyond the doors and the steps leading up 
to them. 

Of the third or detached grave we find numerous specimens 
in the burial-places of Yulci and other towns. Most of these 
resemble the above-mentioned grave-mound in the isle of Syme (see 
Fig. 98) ; our illustration (Fig. 398), the so-called Cucumella, 
differs from it only by its larger diameter (200 feet) and by the 



Fig. 398. 

careful stone-border surrounding its whole circumference. On the 
slope of the mound we also discover ruins of old Etruscan structures 
which indicate a more 
elaborate architectural de- 
coration of this grave. 

We now come to the 
subterraneous Roman 
graves built after the Etruscan pattern. Like the Greek tombs 
they varied in design according to the conditions of the soil, 
being either cut into the hard rock, or dug into the earth and 
enclosed with walls where the softness of the soil required it ; in 
the construction of the _^c^^\ 

ceiling the vault became 
an important element. Of 
graves in rocks we possess 
a very primitive example 
in the tombs of the Scipi- 
ones — a kind of labyrinth 
of irregular subterraneous I 
passages, previously used 
as a quarry. Originally 



Fig. 399. 

they lay outside the city in the Via Appia, but on the enlarge- 
ment of Rome they came within the circle enclosed by the 
Aurelian wall. Of the monuments found there we quote (Fig. 
399) the sarcophagus containing the remains of L. Cornelius 
Scipio Barbatus (Consul, 298 B.C.). It is made of common stone,^ 
and may be considered as one of the most important proofs of 
the early influence of Greek on Roman art, showing an orna- 
mental border resembling the frieze of Doric art, and a cornice of 
dentils, which, like the volutes of the top decoration, remind one 
of Ionic patterns. 

More regular is the tomb of the Nasones, in the Yia Fla- 
It consists of a subterraneous chamber, with 



circular niches for the coffins. The grave of the Gens Furia, 
near Frascati, consists of a semicircular chamber surrounded by 
a narrow passage, the entrance to which, on the slope of the 
mountain, is adorned with a facade. 

We finally mention the subterraneous grave-chambers common 
to a tribe or to the slaves and freedmen of the imperial or other 



noble families. The urns (olla), with simple covers to them, stand 
in niches somewhat resembling pigeon-holes, whence the name of 
columbarium (dovecot) applied to these graves ; a small marble tablet 

above each niche records the 
name of the deceased. Seve- 
ral of these columbaria have 
been found in and near Rome. 
Figs. 400 and 401 give the 
plan and view of the colum- 
barium in which the freed- 
men of Livia, the wife of 
Augustus, were buried. It 
lies in the Yia Appia, and 
consists of several apartments, 
of which the one nearest the 
entrance is very simple, while 
the larger ones, reached by 
Large niches, 


descending a staircase, are decorated more richly. 

Fig. 401. 

square or circular in shape, were destined for the recep- 
tion of sarcophagi ; while seven ascending rows of smaller 



openings in the walls contained the cinerary urns. Another 
columbarium in the Vigna Codini contains 425 niches in nine rows. 
The interior arrangements of 
detached graves are of a 
similar kind (compare § 78). 
Fig. 402 illustrates the in- 
terior of a detached tomb, 
the exterior of which we 
shall consider hereafter (see 
Fig. 412). The simple room 
covered with a barrel- vault 
receives its light from a 
single window in the ceil- 
ing. Niches - in the walls 
and in the benches contain the urns, others of which are standing 
on these benches. 

78. The simplest forms of detached graves aboveground are 
nearly related to Etruscan structures of the same kind. We pass 
from the simple earth-mounds (tumuli) to those tombs which show 
a distinct architectural design. Fig. 403 shows Hirt's reconstruc- 
tive design of a partly destroyed, but still recognisable, grave 

near Naples, generally called the tomb of Virgil. It consists 
of a square base made of bricks, the frontage of which contains 
a round- arched door leading into the grave. On this base stands 
a flattened cone, also made of bricks, except the bottom layers, 
which consist of hewn stones. 

A similar, though more artistic, design appears in the so-called 
tomb of the Horatii and Curiatii, standing on the road from Rome 

3 8o 


to Albano, near the last-mentioned place (see view and design, 
Figs. 404 and 405). It seemingly belongs to the time of the 
Republic. Its material is a stone found in the quarries of 
Albano, generally called " Peperin." The substructure is nine- 
teen metres in circumference, and shows a base and a cornice 
carefully worked out. On it stands a conical struc- 
ture, similar to that of the grave of Virgil. Here, 
however, several smaller cones are grouped round 
the centre one, the former occupying the four 
corners of the substructure. The centre cone is 
Fig. 405. both thicker and higher than the others. Perhaps 
an individual Etruscan model has here been imitated ; the descrip- 
tions, at least, of the tomb of the Etruscan King Porsenna indi- 
cates a similar arrangement of four conical turrets. 

Akin to these conical erections is the round tower on a square 
base, such as found in the grave in the Via Appia belonging, 
according to its inscription, to Csecilia Metella, daughter of 
Q. Creticus, and wife of the triumvir C. Crassus, celebrated for 

Fig. 406. 

his riches (Fig. 406). The base is made of quarry- stone, the 
round tower being carefully faced with freestone, and adorned 
with frieze and cornice. The decoration of the frieze is composed 
of alternating flowers and skulls of animals, whence the popular 
name of the monument " Capo di Bove." A small door leads 
into the circular grave-chamber. What the original roof of the 



building has been can no more be ascertained ; the battlement 
seen in our illustration dates from the Middle Ages, when the 
Caetani turned the tomb into a tower of defence, connecting it 
with other fortifications still preserved. 

Another monument built in imitation of the Egyptian pyra- 
mids belongs to the age of Augustus (Fig. 407). The pyramid 
is of rather steep ascent, its base being 30 metres in circum- 
ference, its height 37 metres. It is built of a very firm com- 
position of mortar and small stones faced with tablets of white 
marble. The grave-chamber is comparatively small, and still 

Fig. 407. 

shows traces of beautiful wall-paintings. The original entrance 
was effected by means of an inclined shaft about half-way 
up the northern side of the pyramid. This shaft, covered 
outside with a stone, led straight to the centre of the vault, 
covering the grave-chamber. Columns and statues adorned the 
exterior. Several inscriptions record the dignities of the deceased 
inmate, amongst which we count those of praetor and tribune of 
the people. His name was C. Cestius. The monument was 
erected to him by his heirs, one of whom was M. Agrippa. In 



accordance with, the last will of the deceased it had been com- 
pleted in 330 days. 

Other forms of the grave resemble the design of a temple, 
as does, for instance, a monument discovered near the northern 

corner of the Capitol (Fig. 408). It 
is built of freestone, and shows on 
its base an inscription, according to 
which it was dedicated by the people 
and senate to the memory of the aedile 
Caius Poblicius Bibulus. The upper 
part contains on the side shown in 
our illustration a door between two 
Doric or Tuscan pilasters, which at 
the same time carry the beams, with 
a sort of balustrade on the top of 
them. The frieze shows a decoration of flowers and skulls of 
bulls, similar to that of the tomb of Caacilia Metella. Another 
tomb at Palmyra shows a still closer resemblance to the temple ; 

it may, indeed, be described as a pro- 
stylos hexastylos (see Fig. 409; scale, 
40 feet). It forms an all but perfect 
square, with a portico of six detached 
columns added to it. The arrangement 
of the interior proves its destination as 
a family-grave : on three sides we see 
rows of narrow cellae or grave-cham- 
bers, while almost in the centre of the 
building stands a structure of four 
M III columns (tetrad ylos), most likely des- 
tined for the reception of the chief 
sarcophagus. Another grave in the 
form of a tower is also found at Palmyra (Fig. 410 ; scale, 24 feet), 
the front side of which shows the statue of the deceased in a 
lying position ; while the interior contains, in different stories, a 
number of niches for the reception of cinerary urns. 

All the monuments hitherto mentioned are, if not small, at 
least of moderate dimensions ; the increasing luxury of later 
times, however, also extended to grave monuments. This was 
particularly the case where the dignity of the State itself was 

"¥5 Id" 
, 409. 



represented by the deceased person. The monument erected by 
Augustus to himself and his descendants shows colossal dimensions. 
On a square base rose an enormous round building (similar to 
that of the tomb of Caecilia Metella), on which 
was heaped an additional tumulus, while under- 
neath it lay the imperial grave-chambers. The 
enclosing walls are preserved sufficiently to give 
an idea of the original grandeur of the structure. 

When, in the course of a century, it had been 
filled with the remains of emperors, Hadrian 
determined upon erecting a similar structure for 
himself and his successors. 

The site chosen lay on the other side of the L, 
Tiber, opposite the tomb of Augustus, connected : i jST a 
with the city by means of the above-mentioned j. TpB fl -: ■ j 
Pons iElius (Figs. 369 and 370), at present m \ » •» « 
called Ponte S. Angelo. This tomb also con- Fig ' 41 °" 
sists of a square basis (90 metres), and, standing on it, a colossal 
round tower (67 metres in diameter by 22 high), originally faced 

Fiff. 411. 

with Parian marble, and decorated more richly than the mausoleum 
of Augustus. According to a tradition, the twenty-four Korinthian 



columns in the centre nave of St. Paul's Basilica originally 
belonged to this Moles Hadriani, which indicates its having been 
surrounded by colonnades in the manner of a round peripteros. 
This conjecture becomes still more probable from the fact of 
plastic works of art being mentioned in connection with the 
mausoleum, which statues most likely stood in these colonnades : 
excellent works of art have indeed been found in the neighbour- 
hood. The chief part of the edifice has been preserved in the 
round tower of the Castello S. Angelo, which makes a careful 
investigation of the interior a matter of some difficulty. Several 

Fig. 412. 

designs of the original form of the building have been attempted. 
Fig. 411 shows that of Canina, who, in opposition to Hirt, 
assumes the existence of two external colonnades. Canina 
crowns the building with a pyramidal roof, the top ornament 
being a large pineapple of bronze, found in the neighbourhood, 
and at present in the garden of the Vatican. 

Of other smaller grave -monuments, partly containing the 
grave-chambers, partly built above them, we possess a variety 
of forms. They either resembled small round or square altars 
(eippi), or they consisted of simple pillars (hermce), the tops of 



which, were rounded on one side, so as to almost resemble a 
human head cut in half. Of all these forms we see specimens in 
the street of graves at Pompeii (Fig. 412). On both sides of the 
street (our view is taken from a point near the villa of Diomedes, 
Fig. 393) we see numerous graves, generally with the names of 
individuals or families inscribed on them. Where space permitted 
the monument was, like the temple, surrounded by a small 
court, separated from the street and other graves by a wall. 
These enclosures, besides indicating the hallowed character of the 
place, were, in some cases, used for the solemn burning of the 
body and the collecting of the remains according to prescribed 
rites {ossilegkim) . In case the enclosure served this purpose it 
was denominated ustrina (from urere, to burn). In some places, 
however, the burning of the body near the grave was forbidden, 
besides which the poorer classes could not afford separate enclo- 
sures ; for these reasons public ustrina had to be provided, one 
of which, in the form of a square space enclosed by a wall, has 
been discovered at Pompeii. Another large public ustrinum, in 
the Via Appia, about five miglie from the Porta S. Sebastiano, 
has been discovered by Piranesi, and described by him in his 
" Antichita di Eoma " (III., 4). It is a vast square, surrounded 
on all sides by walls of large blocks of Peperin stone. On the 
wall is a path with a low parapet, evidently intended to enable 
the mourners to witness the burning of the body in the square, 
after which the collecting of the ashes took place. 

Amongst the tombs of the Pompeian street of graves (Fig. 412) 
we discover on the left, first a small monument like a temple, with 
two columns ; it lies just opposite the villa of Diomedes, and was, 
according to its inscription, the common grave of the family of 
M. Arrius Diomedes ; to it belong the two cippi which lie on a 
common base with the chief monument, and are inscribed to two 
members of the same family. The second larger monument on 
the same side is devoted to the memory of L. Ceius Labeo ; his 
and his wife's busts, which formerly stood on the grave, are now 
in the Museo Borbonico. On the right side of our illustration 
we see a wall covered by a gable ; a low door in this wall leads 
into an uncovered square court adjoining one corner of the villa 
of Diomedes, in which court the arrangements for the funereal 
repast, the last ceremony of the burial, have been found. In this 

c c 

3 86 


court we recognise a triclinium funebre resembling the dining- 
rooms of private houses, with their gently inclining couches ; 
its walls were covered with paintings, now in an al] but destroyed 
condition. Next to this triclinium stands, on a rich base, an 
altar-like monument, which is amongst the finest and best pre- 
served tombs of Pompeii. It lies in a court, the wall of which 
is adorned with small turrets ; a door in this wall opens into the 
street. The grave-chamber lies inside the base (see the view of 
the interior, Fig. 402) ; the cippus, resembling an altar, which 
rises above the base on several steps to a height exceeding 

Fig. 413. 

that of the enclosing wall, is richly adorned with bas-reliefs. 
The inscription on its front side says that Naavoleia Tyche, the 
freedwoman of Luccius Naevoleius, has erected the monument 
during her lifetime to herself, to L. Munatius Faustus, and to their 
liberated slaves of both sexes. Amongst the monuments following 
on the same side, and still visible in our illustration, we mention 
the cenotaphium of C. Calventius Quietus, in the form of an altar. 
After it follows a family-grave without inscription, consisting of 
a round flat tower surrounded by a wall, crowned by turrets, 
with decorations in relief. We further mention the tomb of 



Scaurus, interesting by its bas-reliefs representing gladiators 
(compare Figs. 505, 507, 508). 
To conclude we add an 
illustration of a portion 
of the Yia Appia, near 
Rome. This important 
highway was peculiarly 
adapted to be adorned 
with tombs and other 
monuments, the traces of 
which have been disco- 
vered for a distance of 
several miles from Rome. 
After carefully examin- 
ing the remains and com- 
paring them with other 
monuments, the architect 
Canina has tried to illus- 
trate parts of the Yia in 
their original appear- 
ance. Fig. 413 is a re- 
production of one of these 

79. We now come to 
those monuments which, 
instead of being the re- 
ceptacles of dead persons, 
served to prolong the 
memory of their deeds 
and merits. Some monu- 
ments served both as 
tombs and memorial 
structures (compare our 
remarks about the keno- 
taphion of the Greeks, 
§ 24, c). The most 
striking illustration of 

the combination of these two different purposes is the column 
of the Emperor Trajan, to which we shall have to return. Fig. 

c c 2 

3 88 


414 shows a monument, which in a manner forms the con- 
necting link between the two species of edifices alluded to. It 
lies near the village of Igel, in the vicinity of Treves ; our 
illustration shows the north side. It is built of freestone, and 
rises in several divisions to a height of 64 feet, according to the 
lowest of the different measurements. The sides towards north 
and south are 15, those towards east and west 12 feet wide. The 
steep roof, resembling a pyramid with curved outlines, is adorned 
with decorations not unlike scales. It is crowned by a sort of 
capital, adorned with human figures in the four corners, on which 
rests a globe supported by four small sphinxes. Some fragments 
on the top of this globe seem to indicate that here was placed 
originally an eagle carrying a human figure to heaven — an 
apotheosis of the persons to whom the monument was dedicated. 
Besides these greatly injured sculptures we observe a profusion of 
figures in relief on all sides and in all divisions of the structure. 
Like the chief representation on the south side they refer partly to 
the individuals to be honoured by the monument, partly to mytho- 
logical objects (the centre bas-relief visible in our illustration, for 
instance, shows the god of the sun in his chariot), partly also they 
illustrate scenes of actual life in reference to the persons alluded to. 
Of this more anon. The style of the sculptures and architecture 
belongs to late imperial times. An inscription, although partly 
destroyed, and explained in many different ways, seems to prove 
beyond doubt that the monument was erected by L. Secundinius 
Aventinus and Secundinius Securus in honour of their parents 
and their other blood-relations. It was the common monument 
of the Secundinii, several members of which family are men- 
tioned in inscriptions found near Treves as holding offices of 
various kinds. Similar monuments of Roman origin have been 
found by Barth in the south of the Tripolitan country (the 
Syrtica Tripolitana of the Romans), in the Wadi Tagidje, and 
near the fountain of Taborieh (see H. Barth, " Reisen und 
Entdeckungen in Nord- und Central-Afrika," L, pp. 125 
and 132). 

In turning to the monuments of honour proper we must 
premise that amongst such may be counted all structures, be they 
temples, halls, theatres, columns, pillars, or gates, erected in 
honour of a person or in celebration of an event. To Caesar and 



several emperors temples have been erected ; small buildings 
resembling chapels, built in honour of individuals, occur at 
Palmyra; halls and colonnades in Rome served, as they did 
amongst the Greeks, to perpetuate the memory of great men ; 
even a theatre in Rome was built in honour of a favourite of the 
Emperor Augustus. "We must refrain from describing these and 
similar structures. "We mention only two forms of the monument 
of honour, one of which has been invented, the other applied in 
preference, by the Romans. To the latter class belong the 
columns ; to the former the triumphal arches. Columns were 
frequently erected by the Greeks for the same purpose, and in 
that case bore the statue of the person to be honoured (as, for 
instance, that of the orator Isokrates), or some object referring to 
the deeds or merits of this person. A second column erected 
to the same Isokrates showed the image of a syren as a symbol of 
eloquence ; other columns, partly still preserved, carried tripods, 
such as were awarded to the victors of the agones.* Sometimes 
the columns showed only inscriptions without sculptural decora- 
tions. Columns of all three kinds may have occurred amongst 
the Romans, who at an early date adopted this mode of honouring 
meritorious citizens from the Greeks. Originally they were 
awarded only by the senate, afterwards also by the people, the 
expenses being either raised by private collections or paid by the 
State. Having frequently described the architectural characteristics 
of the column, we shall here refer to such columnar monuments only 
as greatly deviate from the common type. We first mention the 
oldest of all such columns, viz. the Columna Rostrata, built in 
the Forum, and adorned with the prows of ships, to celebrate the 
naval victory of C. Duilius over the Carthaginians (b.c. 261). 
A modern imitation of it with the antique inscription is preserved 
in the Capitoline museum. This venerable monument became the 
model of other column® rostrata? found on various coins of imperial 
origin, struck in celebration of naval victories. Whether these 
columns (as, for instance, those on silver coins of Augustus and 
Titus, with the statues of these emperors on the top of the 
columns) were actually erected remains uncertain. Other columns 

* On the south side of the Akropolis, near the castle-wall, above the theatre of 
Dionysos, are still standing several columns of this kind, the Korinthian capitals of 
which have been made triangular, so as to fit the tripods to be placed on them. 



show the deeds of their heroes in relief representations, winding 
generally in a spiral line round the shaft of the column from base 
to capital. A column of this kind was the chief ornament of 
the Forum built by Trajan, to which we shall later have to 
return (see § 82). The column stands on a square base covered 
with the inscription and with numerous warlike trophies of 
various kinds. The pedestal is 17 feet high ; the column itself, 
including base and capital, 92 feet. Above the capital rises a 
pedestal, on which the bronze statue of the emperor stood : it has 
been lost and replaced by that of St. Peter. The column itself, 
consisting of twenty-three drums of marble, is in surprisingly 
good preservation. The bas-reliefs surrounding it, in twenty-two 
spiral curves, form a consecutive number of scenes from Trajan's 
wars with the Dacians. The inscription on the base gives the 
date and purpose of its erection.* According to a doubtful 
tradition the ashes of the emperor were enclosed in a globe held 
by the statue ; while, according to another more trustworthy 
account, Hadrian deposited the remains of his predecessor in a 
golden urn underneath the column. A winding staircase of 
185 steps inside the column (the entrance to which lies in the 
pedestal) leads to the top of the capital. 

Resembling the column of Trajan, although not equal to it 
in workmanship and beauty, is the column erected by senate and 
people to the memory of the noble Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, 
It seems to have been connected with a temple devoted to the 
same emperor. Like the column of Trajan, it is well preserved, 
and, like it, it has lost the original statue of the emperor, the 
present one of St. Paul having been placed on it by the same 
pope, Sixtus Y., who put the statue of St. Peter on the column of 
Trajan, on the occasion of both these monuments being cleaned 
and restored. Fig. 415 shows a design of Canina of the column 
with its original surroundings. Like the first-mentioned column, 
it consists of large cylindrical blocks of marble worked, on the 
inside, into a winding staircase of at present 190 steps. According 
to an inscription found near it, its height is 100 old Roman feet. 



The shaft is like that of the column of Trajan, but the pedestal 
is considerably higher in this case ; part of it is now hidden by the 
earth. The bas-reliefs winding round the column in twenty spiral 
curves refer to the wars of the emperor with the Marcomans and 
other tribes to the north of the Lower Danube (compare § 107). 
Triumphal arches were frequently erected by the Romans, in 

J>ig. 415. 

this case without the aid of numerous models in Greek architec- 
ture. Both by their character and destination these structures 
are essentially Roman. The custom of arranging festive pageants 
in celebration of happy events soon led to the erection of 
triumphal gates for the procession to pass through. Besides 



decorating the gates of the city for the occasion, the Romans used to 
erect detached gates of a monumental character. Such triumphal 
arches might be the reward of all kinds of civic merit. An 
arch erected to Augustus at Araminium (Rimini) celebrated his 
construction of the Flaminian road from that town to Rome ; 
an arch, still standing, on the jetty of Ancona records Trajan's 
restoration of that harbour ; another arch at Beneventum was 
dedicated to the same emperor for his restoration of the Via 
Appia ; an arch still preserved, near the Olympicum, commemo- 
rates the building of a new splendid quarter of Athens by Hadrian. 
The so-called arch of the Sergii at Pola records the merits of 
a family ; a small but richly decorated triumphal gate in the 
Forum Boarium in Rome was erected to Septimius Severus by 
the goldsmiths and cattle-dealers. 

In most cases, however, these arches were designed for the 
triumphal entrance of a commander at the head of his army after 
a victorious war. These triumphal entrances (compare % 109) are 
essentially representative of the national spirit of the Romans, 
quite as much as the public games were of that of the Greeks. 
The sculptural decorations of the arches generally represent the 
processions that were to pass through them : on the arch of 
Titus we even see a sculptural reproduction of this monument 
itself. As the arch itself is a product of Roman national spirit, 
so its design is pre-eminently representative of that specifically 
Roman element in architecture — the vaulting or arching 
•principle. Nowhere is this principle displayed more simply 
and more effectively, nowhere does the mixture of Greek 
columnar architecture with Roman elements appear in a more 
striking manner, than in these detached triumphal gates, the 
arcades of which are in a manner framed with columns or semi- 
columns appearing to support the flat coverings of the arches and 
the second lower stories on the top of them. Into the architectural 
varieties of the triumphal arch we cannot enter here ; we only 
shall quote two examples, representative of the two principal 
divisions of these monuments. Like the city gate, the triumphal 
arch can have either one (compare Fig. 356) or three openings 
(358 — 360), the possibility of two openings occurring in some 
Roman gates (Fig. 357) being naturally excluded. 

A beautiful example of the first species is the arch of Titus 



in Rome, built of Pentelic marble (see design, with the statue 
of the emperor in a quadriga added to it, Fig. 416). Its height 
is 15-40 metres, its width 13-50, its depth 4-75 metres. The 
arched opening is 5-36 metres wide by 8'30 high. ^ In the 
Middle Ages a tower of fortification had been built on it ; but it 
was restored to its present form in 1822. Its construction is very 
simple : two strong piers have been connected by means of an arch 
for the triumphal procession to pass through. To right and left of 

Fig. 416. 

the arch the piers show two fluted semicolumns of the " composite" 
order, being the earliest specimens of that order (the two outside 
ones in travertine and without flutes are a modern addition) ; they 
stand on a common base, and enclose on each side of the arch a 
so-called false window. The beams, which are supported by the 
columns, and which at the same time cover the arch, are richly 
decorated ; the frieze shows a small bas-relief representation of 
a sacrificial pageant. Above the beams rises the attic, divided, 
like the lower story, into three parts, the centre one of which 



sliows the inscription. The sculptural decorations of the arch itself 
are beautiful ; the triangular surfaces between the arch and the 
columns are occupied by winged Yictories with warlike attributes. 
Inside the opening the walls to right and left are adorned with 
bas-reliefs, one of which represents the emperor in his triumphal 
chariot, the other groups of soldiers with the booty of the Jewish 
war, amongst which we discover the seven-branched candlestick 
of the temple of Jerusalem (compare § 109). The barrel-vault 
of the archway is adorned with laquearia, a bas-relief in the 
centre showing the apotheosis of the emperor, who is carried 
to heaven by an eagle. According to the inscription, the monu- 
ment has been erected to the memory of Titus by senate and 
people in the reign of his successor Domitian. It lies in a 
beautiful position, between the temple of Yenus and Roma and 
the Coliseum above the Yia Sacra, and is one of the most 
remarkable architectural monuments of Rome. 

Still more important for the history of art, although of later 
date, is the triumphal arch of the Emperor Constantine. In it the 
traces of two very different periods are distinguishable. For 
it marks the closing period of the old empire and the rise of 
Christianity, being erected in celebration of the victory of 
Constantine over his rival Maxentius, by means of which Chris- 
tianity was established as the official religion of the Roman State. 
On the other hand, it takes us back to one of the most glorious 
epochs of Roman history, viz. the time of Trajan's victories over 

the Dacians. For when, after the vic- 
tory at the Pons Milvius (a.d. 312), 
people and senate decided upon erect- 
ing an arch for the victor, the short- 
ness of time or the want of artistic 
means at their disposal compelled 
them to make use of the plastic and 
architectural decorations of an older monument for their new 
structure.* This latter (see plan, Fig. 417) has three openings, 
the centre one of which is both higher and wider than the two 
others, being destined for the triumphal chariot of the emperor. 
The three entrances were enclosed bv detached columns, instead of 

Fig. 417 

* Height, 21 metres; width, 25'70 ; depth, 
side arches 7*40. 

7*40. Height of centre arch, 11-50, of 



the usual semi-columns (see Fig. 418), four of which, made of yellow 
JNumidian marble {giallo antico), stood on each side of the structure. 
According to Hirt, their workmanship denotes the purer style of 
the reign of Hadrian. The greater part of the sculptures, on 
both sides of the structure and inside the centre arch, are 
taken from the triumphal gate (according to Hirt, two different 
gates) erected to Trajan for his victories over the Dacians and 
Parthians. The arrangement of these sculptures is very tasteful. 
They begin at the bases of the columns, which are adorned with 

Fig. 418. 

large relief-figures in standing postures ; on each side of the 
richly decorated arch-enclosures we see two seated Yictories. 
After them follows, in the manner of a frieze, over the smaller 
entrances, a series of smaller bas-reliefs; above each of these 
lower bas-reliefs are two circular bas-reliefs (" medallions," eight in 
all), representing scenes from the private life of Trajan, to which 
correspond eight square bas-reliefs with larger figures in the so- 
called Attic. The scenes represented by the last -mentioned 
sculptures begin, according to Braun's description, on the side 
turned towards the Aventine. " They commence," he says,* 
" with an illustration of the triumphal entrance of Trajan after 

* In his work on the Ruins and Museums of Rome, p. 8. 



the first Dacian war, and then turn to his merits in conducting 
the Yia Appia through the Pontine marshes, and in founding an 
orphanage. They also refer to his relations to Parthamasires, King 
of Armenia, and to Parthamaspates, to whom he gives the Parthian 
crown ; also, finally, to Decebalus, king of the Dacians, whose 
hired assassins are brought before the emperor. The remaining 
groups show the emperor addressing the soldiers, also the usual sac- 
rifices of pigs, sheep, and oxen." About the "medallions " repre- 
senting the private life of the emperor, " in simple and graceful 
compositions," Braun makes the following remarks: — "They begin 
with the setting out for the chase. The second group represents a 
sacrifice to Sylvanus, the protecting god of the forest. The third 
shows the emperor on horseback hunting a boar ; the fourth, the 
thank-offering to the goddess of the chase. The groups on the 
side of the Coliseum show a boar-hunt, a sacrifice to Apollo, the 
inspection of a killed lion, and, lastly, an unexplained oracular 
scene, most likely referring to the miraculous escape of Trajan 
from an earthquake at Antiochia." 

The above-mentioned frieze continued over the central 
opening represents consecutively the battle, the flight, and chase 
of the enemy, and the crowning of the emperor by the Goddess 
of Yictory. It is dedicated to Constantine as the "founder of 
peace," and the " liberator of the city ; " which inscriptions refer 
to Constantine's victory over Maxentius, and his occupation of 
Rome. Only the latter sculptures — the seated Victories, and the 
standing figures on the pedestals of the columns — date from Con- 
stantine's time. By their bad execution and clumsy compositior 
they denote the decline of Roman art ; while the bas-reliefs from 
the time of Trajan, together with the figures of captive barbarians 
over the columns, are perfect in both these respects (compare 
§§ 107 to 109). 

80. We have described (§ 25) the development of the Greek 
gymnasia from private institutions for the requirements of 
individuals to centres of public intercourse and recreation. A 
similar position in Roman life was held by the public baths. 
They also grew from private into public institutions of great 
magnificence indispensable to the Romans, and, therefore, found 
in all important towns. 

These baths, from the greater importance of the warm baths 



contained in them, generally called thermce, are, in many respects, 
comparable to the Greek gymnasia, which name was, indeed, 
occasionally applied to them in later times ; in other points, 
however, the two differ entirely. Although the gymnastic ex- 
ercises, together with their Greek names, were adopted by the 
Romans, they never gained national importance amongst them : 
war, and warlike evolutions in the field, remained the chief means 
of their corporeal education. In their bathing-establishments the 
thermaD or baths had, therefore, the largest space assigned to 
them, smaller localities being reserved for agonistic games ; the 
Greek notions about the relative importance of these two pur- 
poses were thus exactly reversed. Common to both Greek and 
Roman institutions were the localities serving as walks and 
places of meeting and conversation to all visitors. The luxury 
of imperial times added to the thermae means of intellectual 
enjoyment, such as libraries and museums. 

In older times, before bathing had become a necessity of 
daily existence, the lavatrina, or washhouse, lying next to the 
kitchen, and connected with it by a heating- apparatus, served also 
as bath-room. But this simple arrangement soon became insuf- 
ficient. Hot, sudatory, tepid, and cold baths, shower-baths, 
rubbing and oiling of the body — all these required separate 
apartments, to which, at the thermae, were added dressing and 
undressing rooms and other apartments for conversation and 
various kinds of amusement. From numerous remains of baths 
discovered in various points of the Roman empire we have a 
distinct idea of their original arrangements ; these remains, 
moreover, tally in a remarkable degree with Vitruvius's rules. 
We ought to add, that the picture of the interior of a bath 
supposed to have been found in the thermae of Titus, and repro- 
duced in most compendiums of Roman antiquities for a century 
and a half, has been proved by Marquardt * to be an invention of 
the architect Giov. Ant. Rusconi (1553). 

All the bath-rooms lay over a substructure (suspensiirce) about 
two feet high, the ceiling of which rested on rows of pillars 
standing at distances of one and a half foot. The furnace 
(hypocausis) , with the firing-room (jpropnigeum, prcefurnium) lying 

* In " Handbuch der romischen Alterthiimer, etc., begonnen von W. A. Becker, 
fortgesetzt von J. Marquardt," Part v. Division i., p. 283 et seq. Leipsic, 1864. 



in front of it, occupied the centre of the establishment. From 
here the heat was diffused through the basement, and ascended in 
earthen or leaden pipes (tubi) in the walls to the bath-rooms. 
The cold, tepid, or hot water required for the baths came from 
three tanks lying above the furnace, and connected with each 
other by means of pipes. The bath-rooms, over the basement, 
grouped round the furnace at greater or less distances, were 
divided, by the different degrees of heat attained in them, into 
tcpidaria (sudatory air-baths), caldaria (hot baths), and frigidaria 
(cold baths). Tanks (piscina), or tubs (solium, aheus), occupied the 
centre of the caldaria and frigidaria ; benches and chairs were 
ranged along the walls, or stood in niches ; a flat tub (labrum, see 
Fig. 202), placed in a niche on the narrow side of the oblong 
calidarium, was filled with cold water for a plunge after the hot 
bath. In larger, particularly public, baths separate rooms served 
for dressing and undressing (apodyterium) , rubbing (destrictarium) 
and oiling the body (unctorium). In smaller baths, the latter 
process was occasionally gone through in the tepidarium. After 
the end of the Republic, larger establishments used to have a 
separate steam-bath (laconicum) in imitation of the Greek 
7rvpiary]piov. Next to the tepidarium, but separated from it by 
a wall, lay, according to Vitruvius, a small circular building 
covered by a cupola, which received its light through an aperture 
in the centre of the dome. By means of a separate heating 
apparatus its temperature could be increased to an enormous 
degree. A brass plate (clypeus) was suspended on chains from 
the dome ; by lowering it, or pulling it up, the hot air in the 
apartment became more or less condensed. 

So much about the general arrangements of the bath. We 
now must turn our attention to some of the remains of baths 
preserved to us. A house at Pompeii shows very simple arrange- 
ments. A small dressing-room (apodyterium), with a chamber 
for a tepid air-bath (tepidarium) and a hot bath (caldarium), may 
still be recognised. A similar arrangement we see in the above- 
mentioned villa suburbana, where to the tepid and hot baths (Fig. 
393, 9 and 10) is added a court for a cold bath (8). The reservoir 
of the latter, as well as the apparatus for heating the water of the 
hot bath, is still recognisable. 

The same arrangements, although increased in number and 



varied in form, we meet with in the thermae proper, or public 
baths ; as the simplest specimen of such we quote the thermae 
of Yeleia. Veleia, or Yelleia, was built in the first century of 
the Christian era by the Veleiates, a Ligurian tribe dwelling 
previously in villages in the country traversed by the Yia JEmilia, 
not far from the modern Piacenza. Under one of the successors of 
Constantine the town was buried by the fall of a mountain, and 
all knowledge of it was lost till 1747, when the discovery of the 
largest existing bronze inscription, the so-called tabula alimentaria 
of Trajan, near the village of Macinisso, indicated the existence 
of a Roman settlement. In 1760, by command of Don Philip 
of Parma, systematic excavations were begun, which, after five 
years, resulted in the discovery of a moderate provincial town of 
the first centuries of the Empire. Fig. 419 shows the plan of the 

Fig. 419. 

partly destroyed thermae of Yeleia according to the design of the 
architect Antolini. The facade (1 to 12) contains several 
entrances. That lying on the extreme right (1) leads into the baths 
for women, consisting of a sort of entrance-hall (2) and of a larger 
apartment for hot baths (4) . The smaller room lying between the 
two may have contained the heating apparatus {hypocaustum). 
On the other side of the vestibule common to both divisions lies 
the entrance-hall of the men's baths (3). After it follows the 
bath-room for men (5), separated from that for women by a space 
containing a staircase. The room adjoining it (6) was intended 
for social intercourse, after it follows the swimming-bath (natatio) 
of the men (7), surrounded by a colonnade. Into this peristylium 
open a narrow apartment (8), in which a mosaic floor has been 



discovered, and a covered passage (crypt a, 10). The street (11) 
runs parallel with the latter : on the opposite side of the building- 
was also a street, while in front of it seems to have been an open 

More complicated in design and larger in size are the thermse 
excavated at Pompeii in 1824 (see plan, Fig, 420). Like 'the 
house of Pansa (Fig. 386), they are surrounded by a number of 
shops and lodging-houses, which, however, are unconnected with 
the bathing-establishment. The whole block of houses {insula) 
forms an irregular square bordered on all sides by streets. Here, 

Fig. 420. 

also, the baths of women and men are separate, and have different 
entrances. The former comprise the rooms K L M N P, the 
entrance being near ; the latter, the rooms B D E G H I. 
Four entrances lead into them from the street on three different 
sides (AAA). The heating-apparatus (F) is common to both 
divisions, and lies between them. The remainder of the area 
(marked in our plan Q, or left blank) is occupied by shops and 
private lodgings belonging to them. 0, as we mentioned before, 



marks the entrance to the women's bath in a projection of the 
wall. To the left of it lies a small apartment furnished with 
benches, undoubtedly a sort of waiting-room. The larger room 
L is generally believed to be an apodyterium ; it also is fitted up 
with stone benches. In the small alcove- like part of it nearest 
the entrance we recognise the frigidarium, with the piscina 
belonging to it, to which latter descend steps (see Plan). From 
the apodyterium one enters the tepidarium (31), under the floor of 
which, as well as under that of the caldarium (K) adjoining it, 
the suspensurse for the diffusion of the hot air are still recognis- 
able. In a sort of niche in the latter room we discover the 
labrum, intended for cold ablutions. Near N is the opening of the 
canal through which the hot air and hot water were conducted 
from the firing-room (F) to the caldarium. Here we see the 
heating-apparatus enclosed in thick walls : it consists of a 
circular furnace, about 8 to 9 feet in diameter, from which the 
hot air was conveyed to the two caldaria for women (_ZT) and 
men (E) by means of canals of brickwork which pass underneath 
the raised floors. We also mention two cauldrons in which the 
bathing- water was heated ; they were filled with cold water from 
a quadrangular reservoir lying behind them. The fuel was kept 
in a court, perhaps covered, and connected with F by means of 
narrow passages. 

The rooms for the baths of the men were also grouped round 
this central heating- apparatus, those requiring the greatest heat 
lying nearest to it. The caldarium of the men (E), lying close to 
the furnace, consists of an oblong apartment, covered with a 
barrel-vault, containing openings to admit the light and let out 
the steam. The slightly raised floor of the centre part lies above 
the suspensurse. On the sides narrow openings were left between 
the stones of the wall and its outer surface to let the hot air pass 
through. On the narrow eastern side of the room lies a large tub 
for hot baths (lavatio calda) ; several steps led up to this tub or 
tank, which is connected with the wall itself. The opposite 
western side, ending in a semicircular niche, contains a detached 
round labrum, for cold ablutions, about eight inches deep and 
raised above the ground by one metre ; a bronze pipe at the 
bottom of it admitted the water. An inscription in bronze let 1 01s 
on the border of the tub says, that it had been purchased 

D D 


by decree of the decuriones for the sum of 5,250 sestertii 
(about £38). 

A door connects the caldarium with the tepidarium (D), 
smaller in size, but more richly decorated with sculptures and 
paintings : a bronze hearth and three benches of the same 
material have been discovered in this elegant and comfortable 
apartment (Fig. 421). Inscriptions on the seats of the benches 
name M. Nigidius Yaccula as the donor. Parallel with the 
tepidarium, and connected with it by means of a door, we see 
another slightly larger room (B). It also has a barrel-vault, but 

Fig. 421. 

is decorated less richly than the tepidarium. It served as apody- 
terium, and was surrounded by stone benches with a low step in 
front of them. On one of the narrow sides of this room lies a 
small chamber (A) belonging to the keeper of the bathers' 
clothes (capsarius, from capsa, i.e. cupboard where valuables are 
kept). On the opposite side the apodyterium is adjoined by a 
round room (rotatio, G), covered with a cupola, in which 
room a round marble basin served for cold baths, and which may 
therefore be described as frigidarium. A small aperture in the 
conical ceiling admitted the light, while the tepidarium was 



lighted by means of a window closed with one pane of ground 
glass. In accordance with its destination, the tepidarium was 
connected with the street (A) by means of a narrow corridor. In 
the wall opposite the opening of this corridor, by the side of the 
entrance to the frigidarium, lies the door of another narrow 
corridor leading to an open court (H). This court, accessible 
from the street by two other entrances (A A), resembles a 
peristylium, two of its sides being occupied by covered Doric 
colonnades, while on a third lies a vaulted hall, crypto- 
porticus, receiving its light from several large windows. One 
of the colonnades is adjoined by a hall (/, execlra), serving for 
purposes of conversation and amusement. The court itself was 
used for gymnastic exercise and walks, whence its name ambulatio. 
It was particularly adapted to advertising purposes, whence the 
numerous inscriptions on the walls, most of which, however, are 
no longer legible. Here has been found a box, in which, most 
likely, the entrance fees were collected by the janitor. 

Much larger than those just described are the so-called "new 
thermae " at Pompeii, the excavation of which was finished in 1860. 
Here all the walls are covered with rich paintings ; the upper rooms, 
moreover, are larger in size, and several new accommodations have 
been added. Amongst these, we principally count an uncovered 
marble swimming-bath (natatio ; compare Fig. 419, 7), 16*5 by 8 
metres in size, opening with its full width towards the palaestra. 

The thermae of Pompeii were naturally surpassed by those of 
Home ; nevertheless, they are to us of almost greater importance 
than the latter, owing to their better state of preservation. The 
dimensions and splendour of the Roman thermae may, for instance, 
be seen from the fact that the Pantheon itself, one of the grandest 
monuments of Roman architecture, formed only a small portion 
of the thermae built by M. Agrippa. In later imperial times, 
even this splendour was surpassed : Seneca already mentions the 
coating of the walls with the most valuable kinds of marble, the 
introduction of silver mouthpieces for the water-pipes, and the 
placing of numbers of columns and statues in the public baths — 
a statement which is confirmed by the fragments of beautiful 
statues found amongst the ruins of thermae ; an ancient author 
justly compares their extensive grounds to whole provinces. 

Fig. 422 shows the plan of the thermse of Caracalla, designed 

d d 2 


by Cameron. His design, however, only represents the chief 
building : an enormous court with which the emperor Decius 
afterwards surrounded it has been omitted; but, even without 
this addition, the thermae finished by Caracalla in the fourth year 
of his reign (a.d. 217) must be considered as the most mag- 
nificent Roman structure of the kind. The walls and part of the 
vaults are well preserved; the latter are made of porous tufa, 
lighter than the common one, which adds to the boldness of 
their design. This applies particularly to the magnificent 
entrance-hall, a rotunda (A) with eight niches, similar in design 
to the Pantheon, which it almost equals in size, its diameter being 

Fig. 422. 

Ill feet. The vault is not, as in the Pantheon, spherical, 
but surprisingly flat in design, and has, for that reason, been 
compared by the ancients with a sole, whence the name of the 
structure cella solearis. The architects of the time of Constantine 
explained the possibility of this kind of vaulting by presuming 
that metal sticks were placed in the interior to support the 
ceiling ; Hirt, however, thinks that the lightness of the material 
is sufficient to account for the difficulty. After having passed 
through the cella solearis one entered the apodyterium (B), behind 
which lay the chief hall — the ephebeum (C) (compare the 



gymnasium of Ephesos, Fig. 154, C), by Roman authors also called 
xystus. Eight colossal granite columns, one of which now stands 
in the square S. Trinita in Florence, carried the intersecting 
vaults of the ceiling (see view of the interior, Fig. 423) : the 
length of the whole room was 179 feet. Adjoining the two 
narrow sides of the ephebeum, and separated from it by columns 
only, lay smaller rooms (Q Q) destined for spectators or wrestlers ; 
exedrce resembling niches (Z Z Z Z) lay on the longer sides of 
the hall. We next come to another hall (D) of equal length, in 
which lay the swimming-bath (piscina) ; this room also was 

Fig. 423. 

adjoined by niches (Z Z) and other apartments for the spectators 
(E E) . The rooms hitherto mentioned formed the chief part of 
the building, distinguished from the other divisions by its greater 
height. The destination of these latter lying to both sides of the 
centre structure cannot always be determined with certainty. 
According to Cameron, F marks vestibules or libraries ; G, the 
dressing-rooms for the wrestlers, near which the remains of stair- 
cases to the upper stories have been found. He further mentions 
peristylia with swimming-baths (H), rooms for practising (I), 
elaeothesia (K), with konisteria (Y) adjoining them ; also vesti- 
bules (L), above which rooms with mosaic pavements have been 



discovered. M } JV, 0, P, respectively mark the laconicum, 
caldarium, tepidarium, and frigidarium ; R indicates larger rooms 
(exedrce) for conversation. Fig. 423 shows the interior of the 
chief hall (C) in its original condition, for the reconstructive 
design of which the analogous hall of the thermae of Diocletian, 
preserved in the church S. Maria degli Angeli, has been of con- 
siderable assistance. Other reconstructive designs of the whole 
building may be found in the comprehensive work, " Les Thermes 
de Caracalla," by the French architect, Abel Blouet. 

81. The enormous development of their political power 
naturally reacted on the architecture of the Romans ; its tasks 
were greater and more varied than those of Greek architecture. 
With the extension of the empire, the number of officials in the 
central seat of government increased proportionately, for whose 
accommodation large public buildings were required. Other 
buildings served to supply the demands of the more extensive 
and varied judicial and commercial developments of the people, 
while further structures were required to satisfy the craving of 
the populace for pageantry and theatrical splendour. Hence the 
number of basilicas (both for judicial and commercial purposes), 
of colonnades (for social intercourse), of forums and theatres ; 
hence, also, the enormous extension of the circus to accom- 
modate the cruel populace of the metropolis : the amphitheatre of 
Vespasian may, in a manner, be considered as the embodiment of 
the power and splendour of the empire. The same phenomena, 
though on a smaller scale, we see repeated in the provincial towns 
in proportion to their growing wealth and independence. 

The remains of political buildings of the time of the 
republic are scarce ; republican Rome soon became transformed 
into imperial Rome, the different phases of which latter are 
illustrated by numerous monuments. Our knowledge of the 
official buildings of republican magistrates is, to a great extent, 
conjectural; sometimes their meetings may have taken place in 
certain parts of the Forum or in temples. About the meeting- 
place of the senate, generically called curia, we know little, — 
neither as regards the curia Hostilia belonging to the times of the 
kings, nor the curia Julia instituted by Caesar, nor, indeed, those 
other curiae called by the names of Marcellus, Pompey, &c. 
Most likely they were roomy oblong halls of some kind, which 



view is supported by the fact that the cellae of the temples, where 
the sittings of the senate frequently took place, show the same 
form. Of particular importance, in this respect, are the remains 
of the temple of Concordia in the Forum Romanum, already 
described by us (see Fig. 334) : it was here that Cicero delivered 
his fourth oration against Catilina and several of his Philippics ; 
here also the condemnation to death of iElius Seianus, the 
notorious favourite of Tiberius, was pronounced by the senate. 

The meeting-place of the quasstors also was a temple, viz. 
that of Saturn, of which eight columns on a high base are still 
preserved in the Forum. Here the treasure of the State (cerarium), 
with the documents belonging to it, as also the standards of the 
army, were kept. The tablets of the law and other political 
documents {tabulae) were kept in the so-called Tabularium or 
archive. This building, lately investigated, rests on a large sub- 
structure, seventy-one metres in length, which seemingly adds 
to the firmness of the Capitoline Hill on the side of the Forum. 
It lies immediately above the just- mentioned temple of Concordia 
(compare Fig. 428, E F G IT). One wall of the Tabularium, and 
a row of arcades erected on it, are still in existence (see Fig. 334, 
a). The arcades rest on strong separate pillars of freestone, 
adorned, towards the Forum, with Doric semi-columns. Above 
them rises the "Palazzo del Senatore," built in the sixteenth 
century, and supposed to occupy the site of the Tabularium, 
which, therefore, must have been of considerable dimensions. Ac- 
cording to an inscription, both the substructure and the Tabularium 
itself were built by Q. Lutatius Catulus (b.c. 78). Under JSero 
the Capitol and the archives were destroyed by fire. Vespasian 
undertook the new building. According to Suetonius (Yespas. 8), 
" the emperor restored 3,000 bronze tablets melted by the fire 
after having searched for copies of their contents, the finest and 
oldest collection of documents (instrumentum) of the empire, in 
which, since the foundation of the city, all the decrees of the 
senate, and the plebiscites with regard to the right of confede- 
ration, and the privileges granted to each community, were kept." 

The censors had their office in the so-called atrium Ubertatis — to 
judge by its name, a building of some religious character (com- 
pare what has been said about the atrium in § 74). The praetors 
performed their judicial function at first in " tribunals " (i.e. 



square raised substructures standing in the Forum), afterwards in 
basilicas. Before describing the latter most developed form of 
Roman architecture we must mention a few smaller buildings as 
examples of simple meeting-places of municipal officials and 

"We are alluding to three buildings in the immediate vicinity 
of the forum of Pompeii (see their plans, Fig. 424). They 
consist of three halls (9 to 10 metres broad by 16 to 18 long) 
of simplest design. The entrances lie on the narrow side 
towards the forum, separated from the latter by a double 
colonnade. On the side opposite the entrances there are niches, 
destined evidently to receive the seats of the functionaries. In a 
this niche (tribunal) is semicircular in form ; in b it is smaller, 

Fig. 424. 

and appears terminated by two parallel walls to which a flattened 
segment has been affixed ; in c we see a further square indenture 
in the centre of the wall of the otherwise semicircular niche. 
Everything indicates that these buildings were used for the 
meetings of some board, and not as temples or treasure-houses 
as has been conjectured. 

The destination of another building in the forum of Pompeii 
as the meeting-house or senaculum of the decurions can be deter- 
mined with more certainty. It consists of a large square hall 
(20 by 18 metres), to the back of which is added a semicircular apse 
11 metres wide (at the opening) by 6*50 deep. In the background 
of this apse is situated a broad da'is for the seats of the presiding 
magistrates. These and similar buildings may be safely classed as 



curice, a name which was generically applied to council-houses of 
magistrates : a building, for instance, devoted to Mars, where the 
priestly college of the Salii held their meetings, was called a 

Still more often occurs the name of basilica, a kind of 
structure frequently described by antique authors, and, moreover, 
sufficiently illustrated by the remaining specimens. The name 
was derived from the kingly hall (aroa f3avL\eios) at Athens 
where the archon basileus sat in judgment. This derivation is 
confirmed by the fact that the first basilica was erected at a period 
when the influence of Greek, on Roman architecture had already 
become powerful. When, during the consulate of Q. Fabius 
Maximus and M. Marcellus (b.c. 214), a fire destroyed part of the 
Forum, no basilica was in existence : a fact which Livy (XXYI. — 
27) thinks it necessary to tell his contemporaries, to whom the 
ideas of forum and basilica had become inseparable. About thirty 
years after this event, M. Porcius Cato, while censor (b.c. 184), 
erected the first basilica at public expense, after having 
purchased two plots of ground in the Latomia, besides four shops, 
for the site of the building. The latter lay beside the curia in 
the Forum, of which it was in a manner a continuation, being 
destined for commercial and judicial purposes. For which of these 
two purposes Cato intended the building, called by himself Basilica 
Porcia, is difficult to decide, seeing that written testimony is want- 
ing, and that the building itself has been totally destroyed^ during 
the riots of Clodius. Vitruvius (Arch., V. 1) seems to think only 
of commercial convenience. " Basilicas," he says, " ought to be 
built in the warmest quarters of the market-places, in order that, 
in winter, the merchants assembling there may not be incon- 
venienced by bad weather." In his description, on the other hand, 
of the basilica built by himself at Fanestrum (the modern Fano), 
he mentions the "tribunal," which he calls " hemicyclium ; " but 
says that the curve was not a complete semicircle, its depth being 
15 feet by 46 wide, "in order," he adds, "that those who stand 
near the magistrates may not be disturbed by those doing business 
in the basilica."* The twofold use of the basilica appears suffi- 
* The first passage (edition of Eose and Muller-Striibing) reads, Ut per hiemem 
sine molestia tempcstatium se confcrre in eas negotiators possint ; the second, TJti qui 
apitcl magistrate starent negotiantes in basilica ne impedirent : according to this 
version, here also the commercial interest id put in the foreground. 



ciently from these two passages. With regard to the construction 
of such buildings Vitruvius adds the following rules. " Their 
width must not be less than one-third, and not more than one- 
half, of their length, providing the nature of the locality does not 
necessitate different proportions. If the site is of considerable 
length, chalcidica ought to be added at both ends of the building." 
The latter seem to have been halls added to the narrow sides of the 
basilica, in order to make use of the whole space at disposal. The 
basilica is divided lengthwise into three parts, the two at the sides 
being called portions ; their width is to be equal to one-third of 
that of the centre space ; the height of the columns is to be equal 
to this width ; above the first porticus lies a second, with columns 
lower by one- quarter than the bottom ones ; between these lies a 
high parapet. From the further description of the basilica of 
Fanestrum, it appears that all the rooms were covered. All these 
rules, however, must be taken in a general sense only ; individual 

buildings frequently deviate from 
them. One class of exceptions 
are, for instance, the basilicas with 
one instead of three naves ; other 
basilicas occurring at an early 
period had as many as five 
naves. Of such with one nave, and 
therefore without porticus, we 
mention the remains of a basilica at 
Aquino (the old Aquinum in 
Latium), where the walls of the 
• H I l M M I I 1 tribunal built of freestone are 

Flg ' 425, still recognisable ; also that at 

Palestrina (the old Praeneste), where the " hemicyclical " 
tribunal, with a " chalcidicum," has been preserved. The design 
of the three tribunals in the forum of Pompeii is, in a more 
or less modified way, repeated in most of these buildings ; this 
is, for instance, the case in a basilica at Palmyra, consisting of 
an oblong hall, to one of the narrow sides of which a perfectly 
semicircular niche has been added, while the opposite side shows 
an entrance-portico of four columns. To the other sides of the 
building wings have been added, which, however, are enclosed 
by detached columns instead of walls. Each of these wings 



contains twenty columns arranged in five rows of four columns 
each ; they were covered with roofs, and thus formed convenient 
places of meeting for the merchants whose disputes were decided 
in the interior of the building. 

We also possess several specimens of basilicas with three 
naves ; one of them has been discovered near the modern Otricoli, 
in 1775. It has been recognised as the basilica of the old Roman 
nmmmpium of Ocriculum, one of the larger towns of Umbria, 
situated on the Yia Flaminia (Fig. 425). The shape of the 
basilica considerably differs from Vitruvius's rule, forming an all 
but perfect square. It is divided by two rows of columns (three 
in number) into three naves, the centre one of which is the widest. 
To this has been added a semicircular tribunal, up to which lead 

Fig. 426. 

steps. On the floor of the first a second dais seems to have been 
raised. On both sides of the hemicyclium lie two small quad- 
rangular chambers, accessible also from the two side naves, besides 
being connected with the niche of the tribunal. A narrow 
passage (cryptoporticus) surrounds the space on three sides. Of 
other basilicas with three naves, we mention the church of Alba 
on the Fucine Lake, and a basilica at Treves (233 by 88 feet) ; as 
also the so-called " Temple of Peace " in Rome, lying between the 
Coliseum and the temple of Yenus and Roma. It was begun by 
Maxentius, and finished by Constantine ; its ruins are amongst the 
most splendid of Rome. Four enormous piers divided the inner 
'space into a wide centre and two narrower side naves, the former 
being covered with an intersected vault, the two latter with barrel- 



vaults. Two apses were reserved for the seats of the judges. The 
form of the principal hall in the thermae of Caracalla (Fig. 423) 
is exactly like that of the present building, but for the absence of 
a tribunal in the former. 

Fig. 426 (scale 36 feet) illustrates the basilica with three 
naves at Pompeii, from which we are able to derive a distinct idea 
of the arrangement of such buildings. With its narrow side it 
touched the forum, the colonnade of which hid the front of 
the basilica, a in our plan marks a small fore-hall, most likely a 
chalcidicum. On four steps of the same width as the building we 
ascend the basilica proper — an oblong edifice with five doors, 
surrounded on all four sides by a colonnade (portions, b b,fg), by 
means of which the whole is divided lengthwise into three naves. 
These columns were of the Ionic order. Thinner pilasters, of 
Korintho-Koman order, were let into the walls, which latter most 
likely contained windows, seeing that in all probability the centre 
space (c) also had a roof to it. The quadrangular tribunal (e) is 
raised several feet above the ground, and is adorned in front with 
a row of smaller Korinthian columns. From two chambers stairs 
led up to this seat of the judges ; another staircase led into the 
vaulted chamber under the tribunal, which received its light from 
an opening in the floor of the tribunal, not to mention several 
small side openings. This chamber was most likely a temporary 
prison. The ruins show traces of rich mural decorations all over 
the building ; the pavement consisted of marble. Near d a 
pedestal has been discovered, which, to judge by some sculptural 
fragments, carried an equestrian statue. According to Mazois, 
the three naves were of nearly equal height, the centre one only 
being raised a little. The entire length of the basilica was 67 
metres, by a width of 27*35 metres. The staircase (h) in our 
plan is not connected with the basilica ; it leads up to the roof of 
the colonnade surrounding the forum. 

Of basilicas with five naves we mention the Basilica Julia, 
built by Caesar for the centum viral courts of justice in the Forum, 
between the temple of the Dioscuri and that of Saturn. Accord- 
ing to the latest excavations, it was a large building surrounded 
by a double porticus, and divided by four rows of strong traver- 
tine stone pillars into five naves. The pavement consists of grey, 
reddish, and yellow slabs of marble, which are in an excellent 


state of preservation. The building (some arches of which were 
still in existence in 1849) was so large that four judges could sit 
in its different parts simultaneously. Fig. 427 shows the plan of 
the Basilica TJlpia, built by Trajan as part of the splendid 
decoration of his forum. A fragment of the antique plan of 
Rome,* frequently mentioned by us, distinctly shows the five naves, 
and even the large niche of the tribunal. The covering of the 
building with beams of bronze is mentioned with admiration by 
ancient writers. 

82. About the places where public meetings were held in 
republican times we know but little. In most cases open spaces 

without much monumental decoration served the purpose. Only 
the curiae, i.e. the divisions of the people according to old tribal 
traditions, form an exception to this rule. The buildings where 
they met, originally situated in the old parts of the town, were 
for the greater part afterwards transferred to the more modern 
quarters, whence the distinction between curice veteres and curice 
novce. The importance of the curia as a tribal community, 
although to a great extent divested of its political character, 
remained unaltered. Their original places of meeting were un- 
doubtedly of the simplest construction, the curiae of later date, 
mentioned in § 81, being most likely fashioned after their model. 

* This plan engraved on slabs of marble, represents Rome under Septimius 
Severus and Caracalla. Fragments of it were found, under Pope Pius IV., behind 
the church of SS. Cosmo e Damiano, and deposited by Benedict XIV. in the 
Capitoline Museum founded by him. According to Canina, the scale of the plan 
barring some inaccuracies, was 1 : 250. 

4 i4 


They were connected with sanctuaries {sacella) of Juno Quiritis, 
the protecting goddess of the old tribal unions. They were 
destined for deliberations and sacrificial acts under the presidency 
of the curio, as also for common meals of the members (curiales). 
The comitia, on the other hand, were the places of meeting of 
the whole sovereign people : the name was applied both to the 
assemblies themselves and to the place in the upper part of the 
Forum Romanum where they were held (see Fig. 428, R). The 
meetings were held in the open air till 208 B.C. (546 of the city), 
in which year, on the occasion of a census (which fixed the 
number of citizens at 137,108), the comitium was for the first 
time (see Livy, XXYII. 36) covered, — most likely with canvas, in 
the manner of the theatres and amphitheatres. 

The comitia tributa and comitia centuriata were frequently held 
in the Campus Martius, where for that purpose certain places 
called sheep-pens (ovile) were fenced in ; later they were called 
septa, or lists. They were made of wood till Julius Csesar erected 
splendid marble ones {septa marmorea, septa Julia). About their 
form nothing is known, beyond what appears from the old plan 
of Rome, and various coins relating to them : the space in the 
interior must have been very large, seeing that at a later date 
fights of gladiators and naval battles took place in it. They were 
completed by Agrippa, destroyed by fire under Titus, and after- 
wards restored by Hadrian. In the same Campus Martius, most 
likely connected with the septa, lay the diribitorium, a splendid 
building, used for counting, perhaps also for giving, votes ; of its 
original roof, a beam 100 feet long used to be shown in the septa 
as a curiosity. 

We have to add a few remarks about the market-places (ford), 
in which many of the public buildings mentioned by us were 
situated. Their importance for political life was still greater 
amongst the Romans than amongst the Greeks (compare § 26), 
Particularly the Forum Romanum appears like the heart of the 
body politic. In the course of centuries it was adorned with 
numerous structures of both historic and artistic importance. 
Fig. 428 shows the plan of the Forum Romanum in accordance 
with the latest investigations by Reber and Detlefsen : we 
shall, in the following remarks, attempt to convey to the 
reader an idea of what the Forum was during the first centuries of 


the empire. Upon a discussion of controverted minor points we 
cannot enter. 

The Forum (A) occupies the valley to the north-west of the 
ridge of mountains connecting the two Capitoline hills (S S) ; to 
the south-east it extends as far as the Yelia, a part of the 
Palatine (T). Its shape is an irregular oolong, the south-western 
long side of which is determined by the recently discovered 
antique pavement of the Yia Sacra and several buildings touching 
it. The north-eastern side is still covered by a mass of rubbish 
(30 feet deep), on which later structures have been erected. The 
antique buildings formerly situated there are for that reason 
indicated in our plan by dotted lines, with the exception only of 
the Mamertine prison and the temple of Faustina. Of the two 
narrow sides, that lying towards the slope of the Capitoline hills 
has been determined by the discovery of the substructures of 
several temples, identifiable both by their inscriptions and by the 
testimony of ancient authors ; the opposite side (at a distance of 
570 feet) can be distinguished from the vicinity of the Rostra 
Julia (W) ; the arch of the Fabii, formerly standing there, has, on 
the other hand, entirely disappeared. We first enumerate the 
buildings bounding the south-western side of the Forum, also 
called sub veteribm sc. tahernis. xlccording to antique authors, the 
Atrium of Vesta (Q) lay at the foot of the Palatine (T) ; its exact 
situation can no more be determined. By the side of it rose the 
temple of Castor and Pollux, of which three Korinthian columns, 
connected by a richly ornamented architrave, are still standing 
erect. It was devoted to the memory of the victory near the 
Kegillus Lake (b.c. 485), but was most likely burnt down 
together with the Basilica Julia in its vicinity. Tiberius rebuilt 
it a.d. 6. The excavations, begun in October, 1871, have already 
laid open three sides of the building, the pavement of which lies 
10 metres below the surface of the modern street. The above- 
mentioned Basilica Julia (C) was separated from this building 
only by a street ; its substructure has been laid open in its full 
length. After it follows the temple of Saturn, the cerarium or 
public treasury (D), eight granite columns of which (six belonging 
to the frontage, the two others to the two long sides), with the 
architrave resting on them, are still in existence. The first 
erection of this temple dates back to early republican times ; it 



Fig. 428. 



was, however, restored repeatedly, for the last time in bad style, 
under one of the later emperors. 

The north-western side of the Forum was bounded by four 
buildings, viz. the porticus of the Dii Consentes (E), the temple 
of Yespasian (F, formerly called temple of Jupiter Tonans), the 
temple of Concordia (H, see also Fig. 334), and, towering above 
them all, the Tabularium (Gr) already mentioned. The porticus 
of the advice-giving gods (Dii Consentes), or twelve chief Roman 
deities, has been partly restored in modern times with the aid of 
excavated fragments of antique columns and architraves. The 
statues of the gods stood, most likely, in front of, or between, the 
columns. Of the temple built by Vespasian in honour of Domi- 
tian (a prostylos hexastylos), three Korinthian columns with their 
beams are still standing. 

Our knowledge of the buildings on the north-east side of 
the Forum is to a great extent conjectural. Only the two corners 
are distinctly marked by the ruins of the Mamertine prison (I) 
and those of the temple of Antoninus and Faustina (P). The 
foundations of the intervening buildings, viz. the Curia Hostilia 
(M ; the senate-house till b.c. 55, when it was destroyed by fire), 
the Curia Julia built by Augustus (N), and the Basilica Emilia 
et Paulli (0), have been built over at a later date. The Mamer- 
tine prison lies underneath the church S. Gruiseppe de' Falegnami 
and the chapel S. Pietro in Car cere, from which a modern stair- 
case leads down to the uppermost of the two subterraneous 
chambers (according to tradition the prison of the Apostles Peter 
and Paul). From here another staircase descends to the lower 
chamber, under which lies the so-called Tullianum (from the old 
Latin word tullii, which, according to Festus, means " fountain- 
vault"), in which Jugurtha, Sejanus, and others found their 
death. No trace remains of the notorious staircase leading 
from the prison to the Forum, on which the corpses of the exe- 
cuted were exhibited, and on which the Emperor Vitellius was 
killed. In comparatively the best state of preservation is the 
temple of Antoninus and Faustina (P), a prostylos hexastylos, 
inside of which the church S. Lorenzo in Miranda has been 

The upper part of the space surrounded by these buildings 
was, in republican times, occupied by the comitium (R) ; the 

E E 

4 i8 


lower part formed the Forum proper. The two divisions were of 
about equal size : on the north-east side stood the old tribune 
for the orators, the rostra Vetera (V), protected from the populace 
thronging the Forum by a semicircular balustrade ; behind it lay 
the above-mentioned Curia Hostilia and the older Grsecostasis, an 
uncovered terrace {locus substructus) surrounded by a balustrade, 
where foreign ambassadors waited for the decision of the curia. 
After Caesar's time the rostra was transferred to the lower Forum, 
where it existed during the two first centuries of the empire under 
the name of Rostra Julia (W). After the downfall of the 
Republic, the comitium and the whole republican arrangements of 
the Forum lost their political significance ; new buildings were 
erected, the old ones remodelled. Septimius Severus at last 
(203 a.d.) built a triumphal arch (K), of Pentelic marble, on the 
north-west side of the Forum, and at the same time transferred 
the Via Sacra (which previously ran along the older booths — sub 
veteribns — on the south-west side of the Forum) to the opposite 
side, directing it straight towards the triumphal arch ; behind the 
latter the road most likely turned westward in a curve (marked 
by a bent arrow), joining the old Via Sacra at the foot of the 
Clivus Capitolinus. Near the arch of Severus lies, at present, a 
terrace (U), slightly curved towards the Forum, and showing the 
remains of a marble balustrade ; a brick base in the corner 
nearest the arch of Severus is believed to be a remnant of the 
inilliarmm aureum, built by Augustus, i.e. the central milestone, 
and at once the centre (umbilicus) of the Roman empire. The 
terrace itself is, by some modern archaeologists, believed to be the 
Rostra Capitolina of imperial times ; others call it Graecostasis. 

Yitruvius (V. 1), in his rules for the building of regularly 
planned fora, says that their shape ought to be oblong, instead of 
showing the square form of the older Greek agora ; the reason for 
this modification being the public games (combats of gladiators) 
which, according to old Italian custom, were held in them. For 
this purpose the oblong form seems to have been the more con- 
venient one. In order not to obstruct the view of the spectators 
the columns of the surrounding colonnades ought to stand at 
considerable distances from each other. Inside these colonnades 
shops (tabemce argentarice, i.e. money-changers' offices) ought to 
be built, with a second story above them. The width of the 


forum ought to be equal to two-thirds of its length. The latter 
rule is strictly followed in the forum of the Ligurian town of 
Yeleia, formerly mentioned by us (see Fig. 429, from Antolini's 
design). The open space (1) is 150 Roman palms long by 100 
wide ; it is surrounded on three sides by colonnades (14), the 
single Doric columns of which are ranged at considerable distances 
from each other. In the open space several pieces of solid 
masonry (2), most likely the remains of decorative monuments, 
have been discovered. A still- existing canal surrounded the 
whole area, in order to drain off the water ; a stripe of marble 
(marked in our Plan by thinner lines), with a bronze inscription 

j s 


■ •< 2 B 

I ■ 1 

' J 

Fig. 429. 

on it, lay right across the Forum : according to the inscription, 
L. Lucilius Priscus had the Forum paved with stone slabs (Jaminis 
stf*avit) at his expense. A temple (3) occupies the centre of the side 
on which one enters the square, the entrance being through small 
passages leading past the temple, not unlike the fauces of private 
houses.* To right and left of the temple lie two goocl-sized 
rooms, one of them (4, 6) believed to be the dwelling of the priest, 
the other (5) a meeting-hall (comitium) reserved for the delibera- 
tions of religious communities. On entering the forum through 
the temple or the fauces, one sees to the left a row of shops (9), 

* The temple itself has heen mentioned hy us (§ 63) as one of the rare examples 
of an amphiprostylos. 

E E 2 

4 20 


opening into the surrounding colonnades ; 10, on the same side, 
marks another entrance, through which one ascends the forum by 
means of steps ; 7 and 8 have been explained as prisons. Opposite 
the temple lies a large building, generally called a basilica (10), 
with chalcidica (11) on both sides ; it bounds the area in its full 
width. 13 is supposed to be another larger and detached 
chalcidicum : an inscription found there says that Baebia Basilla 
presented a chalcidicum to her fellow-citizens. The space between 
this chalcidicum and the supposed dwelling of the priest is 
generally considered as the site of the aerarium. In this Forum 
was undoubtedly kept the large inscription, the finding of which 
led to the rediscovery of Yeleia itself : it is written on a plate 
of bronze 8 feet 8 inches long by 4 feet 4 inches high, and is 
believed to be the largest inscription on metal in existence ; it is 
known by the name of tabula alimentaria, because it contains the 
regulations of Trajan for the keeping of the orphans and other 
poor children of the town, the number provided for being 246 boys 
(pueri alimentarii) and 35 girls {jpuellm alimentarm). Besides a 
separate fund for 19 other children, a sum of 1,044,000 sestertii 
(about £11,344) was mortgaged on houses and land in Yeleia, 
the interest of which at 5 per cent, was divided amongst the 

Much more splendid than the Forum of Yeleia was that of 
Pompeii : the remains of the buildings surrounding it seem to 
indicate a uniform architectural design. Including the colonnades 
in front of the curiae its length is 160 metres, its medium width 
from north to south 42 metres. An uninterrupted colonnade sur- 
rounds the forum on the western long side, the southern narrow 
side, and part of the eastern long side. On the remaining 
sides the colonnade is interrupted in several points. The con- 
tinued colonnades carried (in accordance with Yitruvius's precept) 
a second story, the former existence of which is proved by the 
preserved staircase leading up to it. On the north side stands 
the temple of Jupiter, already described (see Figs. 332 and 338) ; 
to both sides of it lie two gates, that on the right being, to judge 
by its remnants, a triumphal gate. It was, at the same time, the 
chief entrance to the Forum. On the eastern long side, to the 
left of the triumphal arch, lie the so-called Pantheon, with the 
money-changers' shops (tabernce argentarioe) in front of it, the 



curia of the decuriones, the small so-called temple of Mercury or 
Quirinus, the chalcidicum of Eumachia, and, separated from these 
by a street, another edifice, perhaps a public school. On the 
south side (adorned with a double colonnade), opposite the temple 
of Jupiter, lie the council-houses (shown in Fig. 424) ; on the 
west side the basilica (see Fig. 426) and the so-called temple of 
Venus, the long side of which latter, with its splendid colonnade, 
is turned towards the Forum, but is accessible from it only by a 
gate, the chief entrance to the temple lying in a street leading to 
the Forum. By the side of the last-mentioned gate, in a niche, 
stands an interesting monument, viz. the gauging-stone, consisting 
of two tables, one on the top of the other, into the slabs of which 
the normal measures have been inserted. The original is at present 
in the museum of Naples, being supplied at Pompeii by a rough 
imitation. On the same side of the forum and opening on to it 
lies also a large hall (10 metres deep by 34 wide), considered by 
some as a picture-gallery (stoa poekile) ; by Overbeck, with better 
reason, as a public room for conversation. 

Hitherto we have considered only the fora reserved for civic 
intercourse (fora cwilia), from which mercantile pursuits (barring 
the shops of the money-changers) were excluded. Market-places 
for the latter purposes (fora venalia) also occur in Rome and other 
towns, as, for instance, markets for vegetables (forum olitorium), 
oxen (/. boarium), pigs (f. suarium), fish (/. piscarium), meat and 
vegetables conjointly (/. macellum), &c. In Rome itself there were, 
besides the Forum Romanum, several other fora civilia, originated 
by the increasing number of citizens and by the desire on the 
part of the emperors to gain popularity by the erection of 
splendid structures for common use. Whole blocks of houses had 
frequently to be bought and levelled for the purpose. The Forum 
of Julius Caesar, surrounded by double colonnades and adorned 
with the splendid temple of Venus Genitrix, has almost entirely 
disappeared. We mention besides the fora of Augustus, Vespasian, 
jNerva (also called Forum Transitorium or Palladium), and of 
Trajan, the last of which surpassed all the others in size and 
splendour. All these fora lay grouped together on the north 
side of the Forum Romanum, of which they were in a manner a 
splendid continuation. 

83. Our remarks about the buildings for public games and 


similar enjoyments, so important for 
Roman life, and so fully illustrated 
by the remaining specimens, can be 
I couched in few words. What we have 
I said about the Greek hippodrome (§ 28), 
1 stadion (§ 29), and theatre (§ 30) applies 
I to a prevailing extent also to the Roman 
1 circus and theatre. Peculiar to the latter 
I nation is only the amphitheatre ; but here 
n also the architectural principles of the 

I Greek theatre in conjunction with those of 
i the stadion and hippodrome may be recog- 

II nised. About the games of the circus (ludi 
I circcnses), the theatrical representations, 

H and the fights of the gladiators, we shall 
I have to speak at greater length hereafter. 
I Fig. 430 shows the plan of a circus or 
fl racecourse discovered, in 1823, amongst 
1 the ruins of the old Bovillse, a small town 
[J in Latium lying on the Yia Appia, at the 
|| foot of the Albanian mountains. It is 
i comparatively small, much smaller, for 
i instance, than the racecourses in Rome. 
1 The foundations are of simple construc- 
H tion, and show a very moderate use of the 
■ vault, generally one of the grandest and 
j| most characteristic features of similar 

I structures. On the other hand, it is 
more than usually well preserved, par- 

II ticularly that part of it where the race 
I began; it resembles the hippaphesis of 
I the hippodrome of Olympia, and is one 
|| of the most essential features of the 

whole arrangement. We are speaking of 
I the compartments for the single chariots 
(carceres), being placed in a line at once 
curved and oblique, in order to produce 
equal distance from the point where 
the real race began (see Plan, Fig. 



430). The number of these carceres, in the middle of 
which lay the entrance-portal, was twelve : on the two sides 
are tower-like buildings (oppida), occurring also in other 
racecourses. In one of these towers we discover steps leading to 
the seats on the roofs of the carceres. In the middle of the course 
lies the spina (a raised line), with the metce (goals) at both ends ; 
round these the chariots had to race a certain number of times. 
In the centre of the semicircular curve of the course, opposite the 
carceres, lies the triumphal gate {porta triumphalis) through which 
the victor left the circus. 

I ' I 

Fig. 431. 

The same arrangements, on a large scale, we find repeated 
in the numerous racecourses of Rome itself. We mention only 
the Circus Maximus, lying in the broad valley between the 
Palatine and Aventine hills. This circus (afterwards, in com- 
parison to other smaller ones, called "the largest") is said to have 
been built by King Tarquinius Priscus, who also arranged the 
seats of the people, according to their division, into thirty curiae. 
In Tarquinius Superbus's time already the circus was enlarged and 
the seats re-arranged, which process of enlargement and embellish- 
ment was, in the course of a thousand years, repeated frequently, 
the last restorer being Constantine or his son Constantius. The 

4 2 4 


additions consisted of massive buildings in several stories, by means 
of which the number of seats was gradually increased from 150,000 
to 260,000, according to a later account even to 383,000.* The 
circus has entirely disappeared, the regulated formation of the 
sides of the valley being the only trace of its existence. Fig. 431 
shows its original aspect ; we there see the raised substructure 
(podium) and the different stories of the spectators' seats (mceniana) f 
overlooked on the left by the imperial palaces, also the spina 
with its manifold decorations (the goals, several sanctuaries, an 
obelisk, &c.) and the porta triumphalis. 

The stadia, of which there was a considerable number in Rome, 
exactly resemble those of the Greeks. 

84. "After the market-place has been designed," Yitruvius 
continues (V., 3 et seq.), " & very healthy spot must be chosen for 
the theatre, where the people can witness the dramas on the feast- 
days of the immortal gods." Unless a natural rising of the ground 
had been made use of, as was mostly the case in Greece, founda- 
tions and substructures had to be built. " On this basement 
marble or stone steps (gradationes) must be raised." The latter 
remark refers to the place for the spectators, which, in analogy to 
the kolXov (see § 30), was called cavea (hollow). Part of it was 
the orchestra, which was not, as in Greek theatres, used for the 
performance, but contained seats for the spectators. The seats 
were, as in the Greek theatre, interrupted by parallel passages 
(prcecinctiones — hia^wfiara), the name of the several divisions being 

" The number of the praecinctiones," Yitruvius continues, 
"must be in proportion to the height of the theatre. They ought 
not to be higher than they are broad ; for if they were higher 
they would throw the voices back towards the top, and thus 
prevent those occupying the uppermost seats above the praecinc- 
tiones from hearing the words distinctly. A line drawn from the 
highest sitting-step (gradus) ought to touch all the corners or 
edges of the steps, so as nowhere to impede the voice." After 
having treated in the following chapters (IY. and Y.) of several 
acoustic calculations and contrivances, Yitruvius (chapters Y. 
and VII.) adds some prescriptions as to the size and proportions 

* According to the latest calculations, the circus, in late imperial times, must 
have had contained 480,000 seats. It is about 21,000 feet long by 400 wide. 



of the stage and of the place for the spectators. The orchestra, 
like the sitting-steps rising round it, ought to be semicircular 
in shape. Between the orchestra, where the arm-chairs of the 
senators are placed, and the back wall (frons scenes) lies the stage 
(pulpitum), which ought to be twice as long as the diameter of 
the orchestra, and wider than the Greek stage, because in the 
Roman theatre " all the actors act on the stage." " The height 
of the pulpitum must be above five feet, so as to enable those 
sitting in the orchestra to see the gestures of the actors." 

The sitting-steps of the spectators are to be divided not only 
horizontally by the praecinctiones, but also into wedge-like parts 
(cunei) by means of stairs. In the same manner, radiating from 
the centre of the orchestra, are to be designed the entrances, lying 
between the walls of the substructure (also designed as radii). 

Fig. 432. 

Care must be taken not to let the entrance-passages to the upper 
seats cross those to the lower, so that on leaving their seats the 
people may not press on each other (chap. III.). 

Having considered Yitruvius's precepts, we now must turn to 
some of the remaining specimens of theatres. Fig. 432 (scale, 
100 Sicilian palms) shows the cross-section of the theatre of 
Syracuse, being, as we mentioned before (§ 30), a Greek structure 
with Roman additions. The cavea lying on the slope is of Greek 
origin. The seats are made of the rock itself. The remaining 
parts of the stage -wall indicate Roman origin : with the aid of 
these remnants a reconstructive design of the two stories of the 


skene has been attempted. The colonnade of the spectators' place 
also is a Roman addition. 

Of Roman theatres we mention that built by Pompeius, b.c. 55. 



All previous theatres, although splendidly decorated,* had been 
built of wood, to be pulled down after the festive performances 
were over. Of the theatre of Pompeius little remains ; but a 
fragment of the old plan of Rome enables us to distinguish its 
general design, and even the arrangement of the single parts 
(see Fig. 433). The cavea (a) contained, it is said, 40,000 seats; 
it shows the above-mentioned radiating direction of the walls, 
between which the entrance-passages of the spectators lay, and 

Fig. 433. 

on which the sitting-steps rested. The stage (b b) shows a skene- 
wall richly decorated with columns and semicircular niches. 
" Behind the stage lies a portico (c), in order," as Vitruvius adds 
(chapter IX.), " that, in case the play is interrupted by a shower of 
rain, the people may find refuge there ; also in order to give the 
choragi room for arranging the chorus." The design of this 
portico indicates various embellishments : the ancients indeed boast 

* The theatre of Scaurus already mentioned, built 52 B.C., had 80,000 seats. The 
stage- wall was three stories high and adorned with 360 marble columns partly of 
colossal size. The wall of the first story was coated with marble, that of the 
second with glass (most likely coloured glass mosaic), that of the third with plates 
of gilt metal. Between the columns bronze statues, to the almost incredible number 
of 3,000, were placed, not to mention various other decorations. 


of its statues and valuable 
tapestry, also of the 
groves, fountains, wild 
animals, &c, found in it. 

Another theatre, in a 
better state of preserva- 
tion, is that built by 
Augustus (after a plan of 
Caesar), and called by him 
after the name of his 
nephew Marcellus. It was 
opened B.C. 13, the same 
year in which the theatre 
of Cornelius Balbus was 
completed. These three 
were the only theatres in 
Rome. The theatre of 
Marcellus stood near the 
hall called after his mother 
Octavia : during the Mid- 
dle Ages the Savelli family 
used the remains of the 
theatre for the erection of 
their palace, at present 
owned by the Orsinis. 
The passages between the 
foundation -walls of the 
theatre are at present used 
as offices, and part of the 
old wall of the cavea may 
still be recognised in the 
enclosing wall of the 
palace. The cavea was 
semicircular in shape, and 
rose in three stories, the 
two lower of which were 
adorned with arcades and 
Doric and Ionic semi- 
columns, while the upper 
one consisted of a mas- 
sive wall adorned with 



Korinthian pilasters — an arrangement which (but for the addi- 
tional fourth story, here wanting) resembled that found in the 
Coliseum (compare Fig. 439). Fig. 434, after Canina's design, 
shows the cross-section of the interior, containing 30,000 
seats. We there see the form of the substructure with the 
stairs and passages, also the corridors, already described in the 
theatre of Pompeius, which surround the cavea and open into the 
arcades, also mentioned in the above. The rows of seats of the 
cavea rise in beautiful proportions from the orchestra and the low 
podium ; they are divided into two parts by a praecinctio, tallying 
in this respect, and also as regards the cunei, with the precepts 

Fig. 435. 

of Yitruvius. The upper end is finished off by a colonnade, which 
also contains places for the spectators, and which is mentioned by 
Yitruvius amongst the necessary requirements of a Roman theatre. 
" The roof of the arcade," he says (chap. VII.), " ought to corre- 
spond with the height of the skene, because in that case the voice 
spreads simultaneously to the upper ranks and the roof ; while 
if the two differ in height the voice is broken by the first lower 
point it encounters." On the roof of the arcade the ropes 
were fastened, by means of which a canvas could be stretched 


over the cavea, so as to protect the spectators from the sun 
(see § 85). 

About the stage itself little was known till the discovery of 
the theatre of Aspendos in Pamphylia ; the closer investigation of 
the Roman theatre at Orange, in the south of France, has also 
yielded interesting results as to this important portion of the 
antique theatre (see Lohde's work, "Die Skene der Alten"). 
Besides these two buildings we mention the theatre of Herod at 
Athens, the stage of which seems to show a similar arrangement. 
The latter theatre, counting amongst the best-preserved antique 
buildings of Athens, lies on the western side of the southern slope 
of the Akropolis, the seats being worked into the rock. Skene 
and paraskenia have been well preserved, rising partly up to 
three stories, interrupted by arcades. The end wall of the 
hyposkenion, which carried the logeion, and the stairs leading up 
to the stage have been partly recovered by recent excavations. 
These arrangements have been imitated from Greek architecture, 
while the magnificent stage-building itself shows the Roman 
method. The cavea (Fig. 435, B) lying towards the rock of the 
Akropolis is divided into two ranks of sitting- steps by means of a 
prsecinctio 4 feet wide : the lower division contained twenty, the 
upper most likely thirteen steps ; the latter are completely destroyed. 
The height of each step is foot : the lower section of steps is again 
divided by six, the upper one by twelve, staircases. The orchestra 
(A) is semi-elliptical in shape, its diameter being 60 feet long ; it 
is paved with square slabs of white Pentelic marble and of 
Cipollino from Karystos, the latter with green, yellow, or grey 
veins. As in Greek theatres, the lowest row of steps does not 
immediately touch the stage, but is divided from it by the 
parodoi (DD). The stage, 24 feet deep, lies 4 J feet above the 
floor of the orchestra. The skene-wall contains three doors, 
through one of which one enters a room (I), the remains of which, 
like those of the rooms marked E E and F F, show the traces of 
a vaulted ceiling. The theatre was built between 160 and 170 a.d. 
by Herodes Atticus of Marathon, celebrated for his wealth and 
his oratorical talents : to him Athens also owes the Panathenaic 
stadion on the Ilissos. When Pausanias visited Athens this 
theatre had not yet been erected ; in another passage he speaks of 
it as an odeum, and counts it amongst the most splendid buildings 



in Greece. Philostrates calls it the theatre of Annia Regilla, the 
deceased wife of Herod, in whose honour her husband erected it. 
According to the same author its roof consisted of cedar- wood, a 
remarkable feature in a' building of such dimensions. 

Fig. 436 gives a perspective view of the repeatedly mentioned 
theatre of Orange, the stage of which is in perfect preservation. 
The cavea lies on the slope of a hill. Behind the richly decorated 
skene-wall lies a narrow building of three stories, the facade of 
which, adorned with arcades, is seen in our illustration. Between 
the wall of the skene and the outer wall are several staircases. 
The stage-building is 103*15 metres long by 36*821 high; the 
length of the proskenion, from paraskenion to paraskenion, ia 

Fig. 436. 

61*20 metres ; the distance between its facing wall and the centre 
door of the skene-wall is 13*20, that from the two side doors 
18 metres : an oblique roof of timber covered this whole space 
(see Lohde, " Die Skene der Alten," p. 5 et seq.). 

Of a similar kind was the arrangement of the theatre of 
Aspendos (see Fig. 437, where the position of the oblique roof of 
the stage may be distinguished). The spectators' seats lie on the 
slope of the hill on which the town of Aspendos is situated. The 
rows of seats rise from the semicircular orchestra, which first is 
surrounded by a podium of considerable height. A diazoma 
divides the rows of seats into two stories, the upper one of which 



is surrounded by arcades, with a barrel-vaulted niche attached 
to each of them. The cavea is more than usually well pre- 
served. The top of the arcades is on a level with that of the skene- 
wall, in accordance with Vitruvius's precept. The wall of the 
skene rises in three stories, richly adorned with columns, which 
have disappeared; the projecting beams carried by them are. 
however, still visible, as are also the gables. All these projecting 
parts, and the window-sills of the first stories, are made of marble ; 
the wall itself consists of large blocks of a kind of breccia, joined 
together without mortar; the whole back wall of the skene 
was once adorned in an encaustic manner. Above the third series 

Fig. 437. 

of columns lay the oblique roof covering the whole stage : traces 
of its insertion into the wall of the proskenion may be discovered 
in our illustration. Besides the usual three doors, two apertures 
in the wall of the paraskenion opened on to the stage, similar 
to those in the theatres of Herod and at Orange. Above each 
of these two doors the walls of the proskenion contain two other 
openings, leading, most likely, to small balconies or boxes for 
distinguished spectators. The building behind the wall of the 
skene is narrow, as at Orange. It had three stories, the middle 
one of which communicated by a door with the space which lay 


between the wall of the skene and the back scene, put in front of 
it during the performance. 

85. We now haye to mention a building unique as regards 
mechanical appliances, and important for us in so far as it 
undoubtedly was the intermediate step to another class of edifices 
for public amusement. We are speaking of the building erected 
by C. Curio during his tribunate (b.c. 50) for an enormous sum 
of money, given to him by Csesar for the furthering of party - 

purposes. Both the stone theatre of Pompey (55 b.c.) and the 
wooden one of Scaurus were already in existence. A new 
contrivance of astonishing boldness had to be invented, so as 
to excite the admiration of the multitude. Pliny (Hist. ]STat., 
XXXVL, 24, 8) gives the following description of the astonishing 
structure. " He (Curio) built two wooden theatres by the side 
of each other, each of them kept its balance by means of movable 
pegs. In the forenoon comedies were performed on them, and the 
two theatres were turned away from each other, so that the noises 



on the two stages should not interfere with each other. All 
of a sudden they were whirled round, so as to stand opposite each 
other ; in the evening the wooden partitions of the stages were 
removed, the ends of the sitting-steps (cornua) touched each 
other, and an amphitheatre was thus created, in which Curio, 
after having endangered the lives of the people themselves, 
arranged battles of gladiators/' Pliny strongly reproves both 
tribune and people for trusting their lives to a fragile wooden 

Whether this was the first attempt at constructing an amphi- 
theatre we cannot tell ; certain it is that four years later Caesar 
built an edifice for the battles of gladiators and the fights of 
animals, which resembled the bold attempt of Curio, and to which 
the name of amphitheatrum was technically applied.* It was 
built of wood, but richly decorated. The first stone amphitheatre 
in Rome was built during the reign of Augustus by Statilius 
Taurus, the friend of that emperor ; it was destroyed by fire 
under Nero. The amphitheatres, to which the gladiatorial 
battles formerly fought in the forum or circus were trans- 
ferred, became so popular in consequence, that even provincial 
towns went to enormous expenses in erecting them. Fig. 438 
shows the plan of the amphitheatre of Capua, consisting of an oval 
arena surrounded by rows of seats. It was built at the expense of 
the town, after the model of the Flavian amphitheatre in Rome, 
from which the substructure, and the arrangement of the sitting- 
steps and of the stairs leading up to them, are imitated almost 
exactly. It nearly equalled the size of its model, being the 
second largest of all the amphitheatres known to us. An inscrip- 
tion says that the Emperor Hadrian added the columns and their 
roof, meaning the colonnade surrounding the highest row of steps, 
as in a theatre (compare Fig. 434). Underneath the arena were 
vaulted chambers (also found in the Flavian amphitheatre), destined 

* Amphitheatrum means literally a building with a Qedrpov, spectators' place or 
cavea, on two sides. The building-3 for the so-called naumachia (naval battles) also 
had the form of amphitheatres. Hirt (Joe. cit., III., 159) points out that the 
elliptical shape was chosen in preference to the circular as it held more spectators 
on an equal space ; the greater length of the arena, moreover, left more freedom to 
the movements of men and animals than a circle would have done. Acoustic 
considerations were out of the question, as there was nothing to be heard, but only 
something to be seen. 

F F 



for the keeping of the wild animals, also for making the necessary 
preparations for the performances. 

The Flavian amphitheatre, better known as the Coliseum, 
was begun by Vespasian, and completed by his successor Titus, on 
the site of a large pond (stagna Neronis) in the " Golden House " 
of Nero. Augustus is said to have planned an amphitheatre to 
be erected on the same spot. It is said to have contained 
87,000 seats (loco), and was, owing to its central situation, one of 
the most favourite places of amusement of the Roman people. Its 
plan is shown in Fig. 438. The arena, underneath which vaulted 

Fig. 439. 

chambers have been discovered, has the form of an ellipse, the 
larger diameter measuring 264, the smaller 156 feet. The 
surrounding edifice has a uniform depth of 155 feet, which gives 
a total diameter of 574 feet, or of 466 feet for the enclosing outer 
wall. The latter was interrupted by eighty arcades, forming the 
openings of the numerous systematically arranged corridors and 
staircases of the interior. The lowest row of these arcades 
(vomitoria) is adorned with Doric, the second story with Ionic, 
and the third with Korinthian semi-columns. The fourth story 
consists of a wall adorned with Korinthian pilasters, and inter- 



mpted by windows. The total height is 156 feet. Figs. 439 and 
441 show views of the exterior and interior of the Coliseum in 
its present state. In the upper story 240 small projections are 
conspicuous, to which answer as many openings in the chief 
cornice. These were destined to carry masts, to which ropes were 
fastened, to support an awning {velarium) stretched across the 
enormous space. The section (Fig. 440, from a design by Fontana, 
modified by Hirt) serves to illustrate the interior arrangements 
(compare also Fig. 434) , The Coliseum consists almost entirely of 
travertine freestone, carefully hewn ; the interior, partly built of 

Fig. 440. 

bricks, has considerably suffered during the Middle Ages. At 
one time it served as the castle of the Frangipani family ; at 
another it was systematically ransacked for building materials 
(the Palazzo della Cancelleria, Palazzo Farnese, and Palazzo di 
S. Marco have been built of such) ; but its grand forms have 
withstood all these attempts at destruction. In the substructure 
of the rows of seats, the corridors (itinera), passages, and stairs 
leading up to them are still recognisable. The lowest part of the 
spectators* place, viz. the podium, has been built higher than was the 
custom in theatres : as a further means of protection against the 

f f 2 



wild animals in the arena other contrivances were added. Xear 
the podium were the seats of the imperial family, of the highest 
magistrates, and of the Yestals ; at the back of them followed the 
ordinary rows of seats in three stories (mceniana, corresponding to 
those of the exterior arcades), the lower of which, containing about 
twenty steps (gradus, no more in existence), was reserved for magis- 
trates and knights, the next following one (of about sixteen steps) 
for Roman citizens. The production- wall, between the second and 
third stories, is higher than usual, and the upper rows themselves 
show a steeper ascent than the lower ones, in order to enable the 
spectators seated there to overlook the arena. This high praecinc- 

Fig. 441. 

tion-wall, called battens, was richly decorated (according to Hirt. 
with glass mosaic) in the same manner as that of the theatre of 
Scaurus. The fourth story, the steps of which were considerably 
higher than those of the lower rows, was surrounded with an open 
portico, also richly decorated. Here were the seats for the 
women, and, perhaps at both ends of the longer diameter, those 
for the common people. The differences of rank and station 
co-existing with the legal equality of the Eoman people appear 
thus distinctly marked in the Coliseo, which, in a manner, becomes 
the symbol of the grandeur and variegated development of the 
nation itself. 


86. "We now turn to the consideration of the implements of 
domestic use ; our knowledge of these is much more accurate than 
of those of Greek origin, owing, to a great extent, to the preser- 
vation of the dwelling-house itself, to which these utensils belong. 
We have mentioned before how, during the eruption of Vesuvius 
(79 a.d.), Herculaneum and Stabiae were more or less destroyed 
by a stream of lava, while Pompeii was first covered with a shower 
of glowing rapillij on which lava afterwards collected. Only in 
1748 Pompeii was rediscovered by an accident. At Herculaneum 
the hardened lava could only partially be removed ; at Pompeii, 
on the other hand, the layers of loose ashes, to a depth of seven to 
eight metres, offered comparatively little difficulty to attempts at 
excavation. At first these excavations were made without plan 
or system ; the recovered objects were left for a long time at the 
mercy of the weather, not to speak of the spoliation of unculti- 
vated or unprincipled persons. Arditi, in 1812, was the first to 
bring system into the work ; and, after the expulsion of the 
Bourbons, Fiorelli has continued his predecessor's efforts, intro- 
ducing at the same time a new method, viz. that of horizontal 
instead of vertical digging ; in this manner the former danger of 
the houses breaking down as soon as their props were taken away, 
has been removed. A little less than one-half of Pompeii has thus 
been discovered. The wall, about 10,000 feet long, surrounding 
the whole town in the shape of an irregular oval, shows Pompeii 
to have been of moderate dimensions ; but the numerous public 
buildings and the comfort of many of the private houses proves 
the wealth of the citizens. Pompeii, and (in a lesser degree) many 
other seats of Roman culture, have yielded from amongst their 
ruins a rich harvest of utensils and implements of daily life and 


intercourse, such as vessels (of metal, glass, and earthenware . 
lamps, armour, jewellery, coins, &c. Most of these have passed 
into private and public collections ; numerous valuable objects have 
been purloined and destroyed by the finders. 

In looking at these utensils, and comparing them with similar 
objects of Greek origin, we have to consider the question whether 
they were really of Roman make. — that is, worked by Ronian 
artificers. In trying to answer this question we must briefly 
touch upon the political history of Rome. To south and north of 
the Roman territory, the country was inhabited by nations superi or 
to the Romans in both material and intellectual respects. TVe are 
speaking of the Greek colonies in the southern, and of the Etrus- 
can cities in the more northern, parts of Italy. The splendour of 
both nations, however, was waning when they came into contact 
with their less-civilised neighbours : first the Etruscans, and after 
them the Greeks, had to submit to the superior military tactics of 
the Romans. The military spirit of the conquerors prevented 
them at first from adopting the higher culture of the vanquished. 
At the same time it must be remembered that at an early period 
Etruscan artists adorned the public edifices of Rome with the 
works of their handicraft ; moreover, the statues of gods and other 
works of art, brought to Rome as booty from the conquered and 
devastated Etruscan cities, formed an intellectual and religious 
link between conquerors and conquered. Political motives thus 
co-operated with growing artistic culture. The statue of the Juno 
Regina was brought from Yeii by Camillus, that of Jupiter 
Imperator from Praeneste by Cincinnatus, with a view to amalga- 
mating the nations. 

Of still greater importance was the treasure of masterworks 
of art and culture found by the Romans in the cities of Hagna 
Graecia and Sicily, such as Capua, Tarentum, and Syracuse, further 
augmented by the spoils of the Greek peninsula, Macedon. and 
the Asiatic empires. The art-treasures paraded in the three 
days' triumph by Quinctius Flaminius and Paullus .Emilius, the 
conquerors of Philip and Perseus of Alacedon. were of enormous 
value. Roman praetors used to ransack their Greek provinces for 
valuable objects of art : Scaurus, for instance, adorned his theatre 
with Greek statues and pictures acquired in this manner : and 



when his villa at Tusculum was burnt by his enraged slaves, 
Greek works of art to the value of about £600,000 are said to 
have perished in the flames. Omitting many other instances of 
spoliation, we remind the reader only of that of Nero, by which 
Delphi and Olympia were deprived of the statues still remaining 
there. Thus Italy was flooded with the creations of Greek genius, 
and the craving for foreign art diffused amongst all classes of the 
Romans could not but throw into the background the productions 
of native artists. Many Greek artificers, moreover, came to Rome 
as the best market for their wares : even amongst the Greek slaves 
artistic talent was of no rare occurrence. In this way Greek 
patterns became prevalent, not only in high art but also in 
mechanical handicrafts. Even at a later period, when Greek art 
itself had declined, and Roman customs and ideas had, to a great 
extent, absorbed the national peculiarities of the conquered races, 
the artistic creations of what is generally called the national 
Roman style are, for the greater part, only reminiscences of 
originally Greek ideas. At Pompeii also, much of what we now 
call Roman is undoubtedly of Greek origin ; the compositions of 
the best wall-paintings and mosaics breathe Greek spirit, as 
might be expected in a town which, although Romanised to a 
great extent, still retained traces of its Greek origin. Never- 
theless, most of these wall-paintings, mosaics, and other objects of 
art and industry, although perhaps composed by Greek artists, or 
after Greek patterns, are justly denominated Roman, as they 
undoubtedly belong to the period of municipal power and inde- 
pendence, which fostered the growth of the Roman national 

87. Seats and couches are sufficiently illustrated by wall-paint- 
ings at Pompeii and Herculaneum, and by the remaining specimens. 
The simple folding-stool with crossed legs, the backless chair 
with four perpendicular legs, the chair with a low or high back, 
and the state-throne (see § 31), — all these were made after Greek 
patterns. The word sella is the generic term for the different 
classes of chairs comprised in the Greek diphroi and klismoi ; 
only the chair with a back to it is distinguished as cathedra. The 
form of the cathedra resembles that of our ordinary drawing-room 
chairs but for the wider, frequently semicircular, curve of the 



back, which greatly adds to the comfort of the seated person. 
Soft cushions, placed both against the back and on the seat, mark 
the cathedra as a piece of furniture belonging essentially to the 
women's apartments ; the more effeminate men of a later period, 
however, used these fauteuils in preference. The marble statues 

of the younger Faustina (Fig. 469) 
and of Agrippina the wife of Ger- 
manicus, both in the gallery of Flo- 
rence (Clarac, "Musee," Pis. 955, 930), 
are seated on cathedrae. The legs of 
the chairs were frequently shaped in 
some graceful fashion, and adorned 
with valuable ornaments of metal and 
ivory ; tasteful turnery was also often 
applied to them : all this is suffi- 
ciently proved by the wall-paintings 
(compare Fig. 471). Different from 
these chairs is the solium, the dignified 
form of which designates it as the seat 
of honour for the master of the house, 
or as the throne of rulers of the State and gods ; it answers, 
therefore, to the thronos of the Greeks. The richly decorated 
back rises perpendicularly sometimes up to the height of 
the shoulders, at others, above the head, of the seated person ; 
two elbows, mostly of massive workmanship, are attached to 
the back. The throne stands on a strong base or on high legs ; 
it was generally made of solid, heavy materials. Of the wooden 
solium, seated on which the patron gave advice to his clients, 
naturally no specimen remains ; but we possess several marble 
thrones, most likely the seats of emperors, and others placed, 
according to Greek custom, near the divine images in the temples. 
A marble throne of the first-mentioned class, richly decorated with 
sculptures, is in the Royal Collection of Antiques at Berlin. Fig. 
442 shows a throne from a temple — one of the two of the kind 
preserved in the Louvre. The symbolical sculptures on the inner 
surface of the back, both above and below the seat, consisting of a 
pair of winged snakes, the mystical basket, and the sickle, also 
the two torches serving in a manner as props of the back, seem 



to indicate its connection with the worship of Ceres. The seat is 
supported by two sphinxes, the wings of which form the elbows 
of the chair. The companion chair in the Louvre shows the 
Bacchic attributes arranged in a similar manner. Similar thrones 
of gods occur frequently in Pompeian wall-paintings and on 
Roman coins ; we also mention in connection with the subject a 
wall-painting at Herculaneum (" Pitture antiche d'Ercolano," 
vol. i. p. 155). These thrones generally show light, graceful forms 
of legs, and broad seats covered with soft cushions; the back 
and elbows are frequently enveloped in rich folds of drapery. Of 
the two thrones in the Herculaneum wall-painting referred to, one 
has a helmet, the other a dove, on its seat — the respective emblems 
of Mars and Yenus. The solium used by the magistrates of the 
republic was without back or elbows. 

Peculiar to the Romans was the sella curulis, a folding-stool 
with curved legs placed crosswise ; at first it was made of ivory, 
afterwards of metal : it most likely dates from the times of the 
kings. At that period it was in reality a seat on wheels, from which 
the kings exercised their legal functions : afterwards the sella 
curulis, although deprived of its wheels, remained the attribute of 
certain magistrates ; it was placed on the tribunal, from the height 
of which the judge pronounced his sentence. The use of the sella 
curulis was permitted to the consuls, praetors, proprsetors, and the 
curulian aediles ; also to the dictator, the magister equitum, the 
decemviri, and, at a later period, the quaBstor. Amongst priests, only 
the Flamen Dialis enjoyed the same privilege, together with a seat 
in the senate. On some of the denarii of Poman families, such as 
the Gens Csecilia, Cestia, Cornelia, Furia, Julia, 
Livineia, Plsetoria, Pompeia, Valeria, we fre- 
quently see the sella curulis connected with the 
names of those members of the gens who held one 
of the curulian offices. Fasces, lituus, crowns, and 
branches frequently are arranged round the chair 
to indicate the particular function of the magis- 
trate. Fig. 443 shows the reverse of a coin of the Grens Furia, 
with a sella curulis depicted on it. On the chair are inscribed 
the words P. FOVRIVS ; underneath it we read, CRASSIPES : 
the other side of the coin shows the crowned head of Cybele 



with the inscription, AED. CYll. The emperors also claimed 
the privilege of the sella curulis. The marble statue of the 
Emperor Claudius in the Villa Albani (Clarac, "Musee," PI. 
936, B) is, for instance, seated on a sella curulis, or rather sella 
imperatoria. Several bronze legs of chairs, in the Museo Borbonico, 
worked like necks of animals and placed crosswise, most likely be- 
longed to chairs of this kind. The subsellium, a low bench with 

room for several persons, was 
destined for the magistrates of the 
people, i.e. for the tribuni and eediles 
plebis. Silver coins of the Gens 
Calpurnia, Critonia, Fannia, and 
Statilia show this bench always 
occupied by two sediles (see 
Pticcio, " Le Monete delle antiche 

Fie. 444. ... v 

Famiglie di Roma/' Tavs. X., 
XVII., XX., XL V.). Another seat of honour was the hisellium, 
a very broad chair, or rather double chair, without a back, 
destined for the decuriones and augustales. Two bronze bisellia 
have been found at Pompeii, one of which is shown, Fig. 444. 

88. The couches and beds show the same elegance and comfort 
as the chairs. We need only add a few remarks to what we 
have already said about Greek couches (§ 32). The body of 
the bed, made either of wood inlaid with ivory and tortoiseshell, 
or of valuable metal (lecti eborati, testudinei, inargentati, inauraii), 
rested on gracefully formed legs. Sometimes the whole bed- 
frame was made of bronze, and in a few cases (e.g. the bed of 
Elagabalus) of solid silver. A bronze bed-frame somewhat 
resembling our iron truckle-beds may be seen on an Etruscan 
tomb (see " Museum Gregorianum," vol. i., Tav. 16). A bronze 
trellis-work here carries the mattrass, instead of the more usual 
webbing (fascice, institce, tenia ciibilia) . The mattrass (torus), origi- 
nally filled with straw, was afterwards stuffed with sheep's wool 
(tomentum) or the down of (particularly German) geese and swans; 
Elagabalus chose the soft plumage under the wings of the partridge 
for his mattrasses. Bolsters and cushions (eulcita) were stuffed 
with the same material (see, for instance, Zahn's " Schonste 
Ornamente," Series III., Taf. 41). Blankets and sheets (testes 



stragulce), according to the owner's wealth, made either of simple 
material or dyed and adorned with embroidered or woven patterns 
and borders, were spread over the cushions and bolsters. One or 
several pillows (pulvinits) served to prop the head (whence their name 
cervicalia) or the left elbow of the sleeping or reclining persons 
(compare the couches in Fig. 232 and those in Figs. 187 — 190, 
the latter of which, although taken from Greek vase-paintings, 
are equally illustrative of Roman forms). Footstools (subsellia, 
scabella, scamna), used for mounting high thrones and beds, 
or with cathedrae for resting the feet, were as general amongst 
the Romans as amongst the Greeks. Wooden bed-frames, 
like all other wooden utensils, have been destroyed at Pompeii ; 
but we see many couches (on the average 2^50 metres long by 
1 wide) let into the walls of the niches of bedrooms ; these niches, 
as, for instance, that in the villa of Diomedes, could be closed by 
means of curtains or pasteboard partitions (''Spanish walls").* 
As we said before, the couch was used, not only for sleeping, but 
also for meditating, reading, and writing in a reclining position, 
the left arm leaning on the cushions. This custom was undoubtedly 
adopted from the Greek. The two names, derived from the 
different purposes, lectus cubicuiarius and lectus liicubratorius, most 
likely apply to one and the same kind of couch ; perhaps in the 
latter there was attached to the back of the couch (pluteus) 
nearest the head a contrivance like our reading-desks, to put 
books and writing materials on ; a similar contrivance is mentioned 
in connection with the cathedra. 

In later times, when the simpler custom of sitting at their 
meals was abandoned by the Romans, men used to lie down to 
their meals on couches. The wife sat on the foot end of the 
lectus, the children on separate chairs, and the servants on benches 
(mbsellium). This custom, as illustrated by numerous bas-reliefs, 
was limited to the family circle. In the dining-rooms (triclinium), 
where guests were received, a particular arrangement of the 
couches became necessary. A square table stood in the centre 
of the triclinium (several of which are perfectly preserved at 
Pompeii) surrounded on three sides by so many low couches 

* See a picture of the remains of such a partition found at Pompeii in Overbeck's 
" Pompeji," 2nd ed., ii. p. 48. 



{lectus triclinaris) , while the fourth side remained open to the 
access of the attending slaves. Fig. 445 shows the arrangement of 
a triclinium. M indicates the table surrounded by the three couches. 
The latter, as is proved by several 

L. m. 









Fig;. 445. 

couches made of masonry 
at Pompeii (Mazois, 
" Ruines de Pompei," 
t. L, PI. 20), had the 
edge nearest the table 
slightly raised (compare 
the summer triclinium in 
h the background of Fig. 
* 390). The couch was 
ascended by the guests 
{accubare) on the lower 
side, the space between 
the edge of the table and 
the couch being too nar- 
row for a person to pass. 
Each couch had room for three persons reclining in the direction 
of the arrow in our plan ; the left arm rested on the cushions, 
while the disengaged right hand was used for eating. L. i. 
mark the lowest {lectus imus), L. m. the middle {lectus medius), 
and L. s. the highest {lectus summus) couch. In the same 
manner the single seats on each couch were distinguished as 
locus imus, medius, and summus. On the lectus imus 1 marks the 
lowest, 3 the highest, and 2 the middle places. On the lectus 
medius 3 marks the highest, 1 the lowest, and 2 the middle. 
The last -mentioned place was the place of honour ; 1 was called 
the locus consularis, because if a consul was present this place 
was occupied by him, in order that he might be able to receive 
important communications during dinner. The place on the 
lectus imus (3) touching his was occupied by the host. On 
the lectus summus the places followed in the reverse order of 
that on the lectus imus. The stronger lines on the edges of the 
loci summi mark the low backs against which the cushions 
belonging to these seats were placed ; the cushions belonging to 
the other places lay in the middle of the couch, and, therefore, did 
not require a prop. In later times three or more triclinia were 



frequently placed in one dining-room, which must have been 
of considerable size, taking into account the additional space 
required for the servants, dancers, musicians, &c. 

About the end of the Republic the use of round tables (orbes) 
instead of square ones became more frequent ; the three couches 
standing at right angles were accordingly transformed into one, 
the shape of which, following the curve of the table, became 
semicircular, resembling the form of a Greek C, whence its name 
sigma or stibadium. The two corner seats (cor nun) now became 
the places of honour, that on the right (in dextro cornu) being 
considered superior to that on the left (in cornu sinistra). On a 
sigma of this kind are reclining several Cupids, round a table 
covered with drinking-cups (see the graceful Pompeian wall- 
painting, "Museo Borbon.," vol. xv., Tav. 46). One large bolster 
on the edge of the couch nearest the table serves as prop for the 
left arms of the topers ; a light awning protects them from the 
sun. A different arrangement we see in the wall-painting found 
near the tomb of the Scipiones in the Yia Appia (Campana, 
" Di due Sepolcri Rornani del Secolo di Augusto, &c." Roma, 1840. 
Tav. XIY.). Here the table has the form of a crescent (mensa 
lunata) ; along its outer edge is placed the sigma, on which 
eleven persons are reclining, partaking of the funereal repast 
(compare the description of a similar scene in " Bullettino arch. 
jNapoletano," 1845, p. 82). We refrain from describing the rich 
ornamentation of these couches, with their bolsters and valuable 
carpets, harmonizing with the wall-decorations and the mosaic 
pavement of the dining-room itself. 

To conclude, we mention the benches of bronze found in the 
tepidarium of the thermae at Pompeii (Fig. 421), as also the 
hemicyclia, semicircular stone-benches, holding a greater number 
of persons, such as were placed in gardens and by the side of 
public roads. Two marble hemicyclia may be seen by the side of 
the street of graves, near the Herculanean gate at Pompeii; a third 
bench occupies the background of a small portico opening into 
the street (see "Mus. Borb.," vol. xv., Tav. 25, 26). 

89. We have already made mention of square, round, and 
crescent-shaped tables. The brick leg of a table, the wooden slab 
of which has disappeared, may be seen in the triclinium funebre at 



Pompeii ; it is surrounded by three well-preserved couches. The 
above-mentioned mensa lunata in a wall-painting is, on the 
other hand, supported by three legs shaped like animals. Besides 
these larger tables, others of smaller size, and more easily 
movable, were in frequent use. They might be either round 
or square, and were placed by the side of the couches : like the 
dining-tables, they were not higher than the couches. For their 
various forms we refer the reader to the Greek tables shown in 
Fig. 191. The way of ornamenting the tables was far more 
splendid and expensive amongst the Romans than amongst the 
Greeks. Not onlj r were the legs beautifully worked in wood, 
metal, or stone (the graceful forms of the numerous marble and 
bronze legs found at Pompeii have become the models of modern 
wood-carvers), but the slabs also consisted of metal and rare kinds 
of stone or wood wrought in elegant and graceful shapes. Par- 
ticularly the slabs of one-legged tables [monopodia, orbes) used to 
be made of the rarest woods ; the wood of the Thyia cypressiodes, 
a tree growing on the slopes of the Atlas, the stem of which, near 
the root, is frequently several feet thick, was chosen in preference ; 
the Roman name of this tree was citrus, not to be mistaken for the 
citron-tree. The value of large slabs of citrus-wood was enormous. 
According to Pliny, Cicero (by no means a wealthy man according 
to Roman notions) spent 500,000 II S. (about £5,400), Asinius 
Pollio £10,800, King Juba £13,050, and the family of the Cethegi 

£15,150, for a single slab of this 
material. The value of this wood 
consisted chiefly in the beautiful 
lines of the veins and fibres (ma- 
culre), shown to still greater advan- 
tage by the polish. The Romans 
classified the slabs by their designs 
into tiger, panther, wavy, and pea- 
cock feather, &c, patterns. The 
enormous price of the massive 
slabs naturally led to the custom of veneering other wood 
with citrus. Valuable tables of this kind were taken out of 
their covers only on festive occasions. The plate and nicknacks, 
always found in elegant Roman houses, were displayed on small 
one or three legged tables (trapezophoron) , the slabs of which 

Fisr. 44fi. 



{abacus, a word which, like trapezophoron, is sometimes used for 
the whole table) had raised edges round them : several richly 
ornamented specimens of such tables have been found at Pompeii. 
Fig. 446 shows a small abacus resting on three marble legs, which 
has been found in the house of the " Little Mosaic-Fountain " at 
Pompeii. Another table ("Museo Borb.," vol. xv., Tav. 6), 
with a slab of rosso antico resting on four graceful bronze 
legs, deserves attention on account of an ingenious contrivance 
between the legs, by means of which it could be lowered or 
heightened at will : a similar contrivance occurs in several 

A table of a different kind was the tripod {delphica sc. mensa), 
imitated from the Greek Tplirov^, 
and used chiefly at meals to put 
vessels and dishes on : several 
elegant specimens of the tripod 
have been discovered at Pompeii, 
The ends of the three legs 
were generally shaped like the 
paws of animals ; the legs, con- 
nected by means of metal bars 
and generally ornamented with 
figures or foliage, carry a metal 
basin, either flat-bottomed or of 
semi-globular shape (Fig. 447). 
Whether the tripods found in 
the rooms of houses were used 
for sacred or profane purposes 
cannot always be decided with 
certainty. The skulls and gar- 
lands surrounding the top of our 
tripod (Fig. 447) seem to indicate 
its sacred character : other tripods are without any decoration. The 
top of the sacred tripods generally consisted of deep caldron - 
like basins : specimens of them have been found in Etruscan 
graves ; they also occur in various forms on coins and vases. 

90. The numerous vases found in the graves of Italy (see 
§ 38 et seq.) are, as we have seen, of Greek origin, although 
frequently manufactured on Poman territory. The pictures 

Fig. 447. 

44 8 


on thein illustrate myths, or scenes from the daily life of Greeks 
or Etruscans ; we therefore have refrained from referring to 
them in speaking of Roman customs and artistic achievements. 
As to the degree of skill with which native Roman artificers 
worked after Greek patterns we are unable to judge, seeing that 
most of the specimens of Roman native pottery preserved to us 
belong to a low class of art. Local potteries were found in almost 
all places of any importance ; and the former existence of manu- 
factures is betrayed by the heaps of potsherds found in such 
places,— as, for instance, in the valley of the Neckar. Whole 
vessels are, however, found very rarely. More numerous are the 
specimens of clay vessels found in Roman graves : their style and 
material are far inferior to those of Greek make. About the forms 
of the smaller drinking and drawing vessels and ointment-bottles 
(to which classes they chiefly belong), we have spoken before 
(compare Fig. 198) : new to us only are the kitchen utensils of 
clay, numerous interesting specimens of which have been dug 
up. The destinations of most of these can be determined from 
their similarity to vessels now in use. Besides these earthen- 

a b c d 

Fig. 448. 

ware vessels a great many others made of bronze have been found 
at Pompeii and other Roman settlements ; their elegant and, at 
the same time, useful forms excite our highest admiration. In 
most cases the names occurring in ancient authors cannot, unfor- 
tunately, be applied with certainty to the remaining specimens. 
Figs. 448 and 449 show a variety of vessels, all found at Pompeii, 
Fig. 448, c, shows a kettle, semi-oval in shape and with a com- 
paratively narrow opening, to the rim of which the handle is 
fastened ; it rests on a tripod (tripes). Similar kettles, with covers 
(testum, testa) fastened to their necks by means of little chains, 



have been found in several places (" Mus. Borbon.," vol. v., Tav. 
58). A pot (olla, cacabus), similar to those now in use, the handk 
of which is made in the shape of a dolphin, is represented, 
Fig. 448, d. Porridge, meat, and vegetables were cooked in it. 

Of pails we possess a considerable number (Fig. 448, a, b). 
Their rims are adorned with graceful patterns, and the rings to 
which the handles are fastened often show palmet to ornaments. 
The pail, Fig. 448, b, shows small pegs on both sides of the rings 
to prevent the heavy handle from falling on the graceful rim of 
the vessel ; the double handle (Fig. 448, a) served to steady the 
vessel while being carried; thus usefulness and elegance of 
form were combined. 

Fig. 449, f, resembles our saucepan. Two vessels of this kind, 
the ends of whose horizontal handles are shaped like heads of 

Fig. 449. 

swans, have recently been found, the one at Teplitzin Bohemia, 
the other at Hagenow in Mecklenburg ; both show, on the upper 
surface of the handle, the stamp of the same manufacturer- — 
Bohemia shows underneath this inscription another name, 
GAIYS ATILIYS HANJSTO, which Mommsen (Archdologiseher 
Anzeiger, 1858, Nos. 115 — 117) takes to be that of the modeller. 
The flat pan (sartago, Fig. 449, h) was used to heat the oil — an 
important ingredient of Southern cookery. Fig. 449, i, shows a 
pan with four indentures, used most likely for poaching eggs ; 
Fig. 449, /, a sort of shovel with a handle and an elegant border - 
pattern ; and Fig. 449, g, a two-handled vessel, also for kitchen 
use. In Fig. 449, m and n, we see two forms of the spoon 

G G 



{cochlear, ligula) ; they were used not only for eating soup and 
porridge, but also for the opening of eggs, oysters, and snails, 
whence their pointed ends. Fig. 449, e and d, show ladles for 
drawing water ; Fig. 449, a, b, c, specimens of the long-handled 
trua or trutta (the Greek kyathos, compare Fig. 303), to draw 
the wine from deep butts, &c. Of sieves (colum, Fig. 449, k), 
funnels (infundibiihim) , and similar kitchen utensils, most of the 
larger museums contain specimens ; we refer the reader to the 
numerous works illustrative of the kitchen utensils found at Pompeii. 

Meat and fish were put on small or large flat dishes (patina) 
with raised edges, mostly made of clay. Those of rich people were 
made of precious metals beautifully chiselled (argentum ccelatum). 
But even those made of clay frequently were bought at enormous 
prices. Pliny relates that the tragic actor, Clodius -ZEsopus, possessed 
a dish worth 100,000 sestertii. Yitellius had an earthenware dish 
made for himself at the price of one million sestertii ; an oven had 
to be erected in the fields for the purpose. Amongst dishes 
resembling plates we mention the lanx. According to Pliny, there 
were in Pome, after Sulla's wars, more than 150 lances of silver, 
weighing each 100 Poman pounds. Drusilianus Potundus, the 
slave of the Emperor Claudius, owned a dish of 500 Poman 
pounds weight, while his fellow-slaves possessed eight, weighing 
each 250 Poman pounds. The patella, catinum, catillum, and 
paropsis resembled our plates ; the latter was chiefly for dessert 
{opsonium) . 

91. The names of Poman drinking- vessels, calix, patera, 
scyphus, cyathus, sufficiently indicate their Greek origin ; their 
shapes show the same variety as those of their Greek models 
(see § 38). Their names cannot always be identified, but the 
existence of a few measuring- vessels with the gauge marked on 
them enables us to speak with certainty about the cubic contents 
of some of their forms.* Here, however, we must limit ourselves 
to the outer appearance of the vessels, and the material of which 
they are made. All vessels made of precious metals were either 
pura, i.e. without any relief- work, and therefore of smooth surface, 
or they were ccelata, that is, adorned with bas-reliefs, either 
wrought of the material itself or soldered to its surface. Many 

* Compare Hultsch, " Griechische und romische Metrologie," p. 87 et seq., and 
Becker's " Gallus," herausgegeben von Rein, Third Edition, Part III. p. 280 et seq. 



Greek and Oriental vessels of great value were brought to 
Home, and kept in Roman families as precious heirlooms ; others 
made of precious metals were melted and recast according 
to Roman taste. The custom of adorning drinking-vessels with 
precious stones, known to the Greeks, was exaggerated by the 
luxurious Romans of imperial times to an unprecedented degree 
(Pliny, "Hist. Natur.," XXXIII. 2). Such vases (gemmata potaria) 
were sent by foreign kings to the Roman people, and with them 
the emperors rewarded the services of their generals or of the 
chieftains of Germanic tribes (Tacitus, " Germania," V.). "We 
possess numerous vessels of earthenware, adorned with garlands of 
leaves and flowers, and inscribed with gay devices ; such as, COPO 
&c. Vessels of precious metal are of rarer occurrence. 

We have mentioned before the luxurious custom, common 
amongst the Romans after the conquest of Greece and Asia, of 
having their utensils of the table, and even of the kitchen, made 
of solid silver. Yaluable plate (argentum escarium and potorium) 
was of common occurrence in the houses of the rich. According 
to Pliny, common soldiers had the handles of their swords and 
their belts studded with silver ; the baths of women were covered 
with the same valuable material, which was even used for the 
common implements of kitchen and scullery. Large manufac- 
tories of silver utensils were started in which each part of the 
work was assigned to a special artificer ; here the orders of the 
silver-merchants (negotiatores argentarii vascularity were executed. 
Amongst the special workmen of these manufactories were the 
figuratores (modellers), flatuarii or /mores (founders), tritores 
(turners or polishers), ccelatores (chisellers), crustarii (the workmen 
who attached the bas-reliefs to the surface of the vessel), and the 
inauratores or deauratores (gilders). Many valuable vessels have 
been recovered in the present century ; others (for instance, several 
hundred silver vessels found near the old Ealerii) have tracelessly 
disappeared. Amongst the discoveries which haj^pily have 
escaped the hands of the melter we mention the treasure of more 
than one hundred silver vessels, weighing together about 50 lbs., 
found by Bernay in Normandy (1830). According to their 
inscriptions, these vessels belonged to the treasury of a temple 
of Mercury ; they are at present in the late imperial library at 

g g 2 


Paris. In the south of Russia the excavations carried on in 1831, 
1862, and 1863, amongst the graves of the kings of the Bosphoric 
empire, have yielded an astonishing numher of gold and silver 

Fig. 451. 

Osere (1836) a number of silver vases (now in the Museo Grego- 
riano) were found in a grave. One of the most interesting dis- 
coveries was made near Hildesheim, 7th October, 1868, consisting of 



seventy-four eating and drinking vessels, mostly well preserved ; 
not to speak of numerous fragments which seem to prove that only 
part of the original treasure has been recovered ; the weight of all 
the vessels (now in the Antiquarium of the Royal Museum, Berlin) 
amounts to 107*144 lbs. of silver. The style and technical 
finish of the vases prove them to have been manufactured in 
Rome ; the form of the letters of the inscriptions found on twenty- 
four vessels indicates the first half of the first century after Christ. 
The surfaces of many of them are covered with alto-relievos of beaten 
silver — a circumstance which traces back their origin to imperial 
times, distinguishing them, at the same time, from the bas-relief 
ornamentations of the acme of Greek art. The gilding of the 
draperies and weapons, and the silver colour of the naked parts, in 
imitation, as it were, of the gold-and-ivory statues of Greek 
art, also indicate Roman workmanship. Figs. 450 and 451 show 
some of the finest pieces of this treasure. The composition of the 
figures on the surface of the vase in Fig. 450 shows true artistic 
genius : naked children are balancing themselves on water-plants 
growing in winding curves from a pair of griffins ; some of the 
children attack crabs and eels with harpoons, while others drag 
the killed animals from the water. The graceful groups on the 
drinking- vessels in Fig. 451 are mostly taken from the Bacchic 
cycle of myths. 

Besides vessels of precious metals and stones, those of glass 
were in favourite use amongst the Romans. The manufactory of 
glass, originating in Sidon, had reached its climax of perfection, 
both with regard to colour and form, in Alexandria about the time 
of the Ptolemies. Many of these Alexandrine glasses have been 
preserved to us, and their beauty fully explains their superiority 
in the opinion of the ancients to those manufactured in Italy. 
•Here also, after the discovery of excellent sand at Cumae and 
Linternum, glass works had been established. Most of our 
museums possess some specimens of antique glass manufacture, in 
the shape of balsam or medicine bottles of white or coloured 
glass. We also possess goblets and drinking-bottles of various 
shapes and sizes, made of white or common green glass ; they 
generally taper towards the bottom, and frequently show grooves 
or raised points on their outer surfaces, so as to prevent the glass 
from slipping from the hand ; urns, oinochoai, and dishes of various 



sizes made of glass are of frequent occurrence (Fig. 452). Some 
of these are dark blue or green, others party-coloured with stripes 
winding round them in zigzag or in spiral lines, reminding one of 
mosaic patterns. Pieces of glittering glass, being most likely frag- 
ments of so-called attassontes versicolor es (not to be mistaken for 
originally white glass which has been discoloured by exposure to 
the weather), are not unfrequently found. We propose to name 
in the following pages a few of the more important specimens of 
antique glass-fabrication. One of the finest amongst these is the 
vessel known as the Barberini or Portland Vase, which was found 
in the sixteenth century in the sarcophagus of the so-called tomb 
of Severus Alexander and of his mother Julia Mammsea. It was 
kept in the Barberini palace for several centuries, till it was pur- 
chased by the Duke of Portland, after whose death it was placed 

Fig. 452. 

in the British Museum. After having been broken by the hand of 
a barbarian it has fortunately been restored satisfactorily. Many 
reproductions of this vase in china and terra-cotta have made it 
known in wide circles. The mythological bas-reliefs have not as 
yet been sufficiently explained. Similar glass vases with bas- 
relief ornamentation occur occasionally either whole or in frag- 
ments. The present writer saw in the collection of the late Mr. 
Hertz in London a small tablet of transparent green emerald 
resembling a shield, in the centre of which appears an expressive 
head of a warrior in gilt opaque glass similar to the bas-reliefs of 
the Portland vase ; this tablet is said to have been found at 
Pompeii. According to a story told by several writers in the time 
of Tiberius, a composition of glass had been invented which could 
be bent and worked with a hammer. 



We further mention a small number of very interesting gob- 
lets, which, to judge by their style, evidently belong to the same 
place of manufactory as the Portland vase. They jDerhaps belong 
to the class of goblets known as cam diatreta, some specimens of 
which were sent by Hadrian from Egypt to his friends in Rome. 
The goblet, Fig. 453, found near No vara may serve as specimen. 
Winckelmann, in his " History of Art," gives a description of it. 
He speaks of a reticulated outer shell at some distance from the 
glass itself, and connected with it by means of thin threads of 
glass. The inscription : BLBE YIYAS MYLTIS AXXIS, is in 
projecting green letters, the colour of the net being sky-blue, and 
the colour of the glass itself that of the opal, i.e. a mixture of red, 
white, yellow, and sky-blue, such as appears in glasses that have 
been covered with earth for a long time. Three vases of a similar 
kind have been found at Strasburg and Cologne (see " Jahrbiicher 
des Yereins von Alterthumsfreunden im 
Rheinlande," Year v., p. 337, Tafs. XL, XII.) ; 
all these distinctly show that they have been 
made of solid glass by means of a wheel, 
together with the net and letters. The highest 
prices were paid for the so-called Murrhine 
vases (rasa Murrhina) brought to Rome from the 
East. Pompey, after his victory over Mitkri- 
dates, was the first to bring one of them to 
Rome, which he placed in the temple of the Capitoline 
Jupiter. Augustus, as is well known, kept a Murrhine goblet 
from Cleopatra's treasure for himself, while all her gold plate 
was melted. The Consularis T. Petronius, who owned one of 
the largest collections of rare vases, bought a basin from Murrha 
for 300,000 sestertii ; before his death he destroyed this match- 
less piece of his collection, so as to prevent Xero from laying hold 
of it. Xero himself paid for a handled drinking- goblet from 
lEurrha a million sestertii. Crystal vases also fetched enormous 
prices. There is some doubt about the material of these Murrhine 
vases, which is the more difficult to solve, as the only vase in 
existence which perhaps may lay claim to that name is too thin 
and fragile to allow of closer investigation. It was found in the 
Tyrol in 1837 (see Neue Zeltschrift des, vol. v., 
1839). Pliny describes the colour of the Murrhine vases as 



Fig. 454. 

a mixture of white and purple ; according to some ancient 
writers, they even improved the taste of the wine drunk out of 

Fig. 454 shows two bronze jugs, at present in the Museo Bor- 

bonico, for the drawing or 
pouring out of liquor (com- 
pare the corresponding 
Greek forms, Fig. 198). 
The metal admitted of a 
more artistic treatment 
than the clay used by the 
Greeks. The more or less 
bent handles are adorned 
at their ends with figures, 
masks, or palmetto orna- 
ments ; the gracefully 
curved mouths of the ves- 
sels frequently show borders of leaves and branches ; the 
body of the vessel is either smooth or decorated by toreutic art. 
These vessels served for domestic uses, such as pouring water over 
the hands of the guests after dinner, or keeping the wine in. 
One particular kind of them, similar in form to the wine-vessels 
found on Christian altars, was reserved for libations (compare 
§ 103). 

We finally mention two graceful vessels, one of which, made of 

bronze (Fig. 455), repre- 
sents a Roman fortified 
camp ; the walls, as well 
as the towers flanking them, 
are hollow ; into these 
boiling water was poured, 
in order to keep warm the 
dishes placed on the para- 
pet of the walls, or fitted 
into the centre hollow, 
which was also filled with water. The tower in the right corner of 
our illustration shows a lid ; the water ran off through a tap on the 
left. The handles visible in Figs. 455 and 456 tend to show that 
both vessels were meant to be lifted on to the table. The construc- 

Fii?. 455. 



tion of the latter heating apparatus is of a complicated kind. 
A square box on four graceful legs supports a high barrel-like 
vase with a lid to it ; the mask just underneath serves as a 
safety-valve for the steam inside the vases ; a similar contrivance 
appears on a semicircular water-box connected with the former, 
Three birds on the upper brim of the latter served as stands for 
a kettle. Whether the open box contained hot water qr burning 
coals seems uncertain. 

The Greek custom mentioned in § 39 of decorating buildings 
with ornamental vases was further developed by the Romans, who 

Fig. 456. 

loved to place krateres, amphorae, urns, and paterae in their rooms 
or on the outsides of their houses ; open halls and gardens were 
adorned in the same manner. Marble, porphyry, bronze, and 
precious metals were used for these ornamental vases, several 
specimens of which, in stone and bronze, have been preserved to 
us. The Museo Borbonico in Naples possesses a pitcher or kettle 
with a richly ornamented border, resting on three fabulous 
animals ; also a bronze krater of great beauty. Fig. 457 shows a 
bronze mixing- vessel of Etruscan workmanship, of noble simplicity 
in form and decoration. Another vase of marble (Fig. 458) belongs 



both by its graceful shape and by the execution of its ornamental 
details to the finest specimens of antique art. It most likely came 
from a Greek workshop (some say from 
that of Lysippus), and has been found 
amongst the ruins of Hadrian's villa at 
Tivoli ; at present it is in Warwick 
Castle, whence the name of "Warwick 
Yase by which it is generally known. 
It has been frequently reproduced on a 
smaller scale ; a copy, in the original size, 
adorns the staircase of the Royal Museum, 

Amongst the earthen vessels used for 
keeping wine and other liquors we men- 
tion the dolia, and the amphorce and 
cadi, specimens of which are to be found 
in all our larger museums. They are 
showing either two small handles or 

the bodies of 

Fig. 457. 

of rude workmanship, 

none at all. The former resembles a pumpkin ; 
the latter are slender, ending in a point (see Fig. 459) ; they were 

dug into the earth about half- 
way, or put against the wall in 
an oblique position in order to 
prevent them from falling. In 
the latter position a number of 
these vessels have been found 
in the house of Diomedes at 

We subjoin a few remarks 
about the Roman way of mak- 
ing wine. After the grapes 
had been sepaated, tbe remainder was put into 
stamped on with the feet. After this the grapes 
more operated upon with a wine-press. The juice 
thus produced was poured into dolia or large tubs, and taken 
to the wine-cellars (cella vinaria), which, in order to make 
them cool, were always built facing the north. In these 
open tubs the wine was left to ferment for a year : after that 
it was either drunk or (in case its quality was to be improved 

Fig. 458. 

for eating 
coops and 
were once 



by longer keeping) poured from the dolia into the amphorae and 
cadi (diffundere). The amphorae, after having been pitched (hence 
vinum picatum) and cleaned with sea or salt water, were further 
rubbed with ashes of vines and smoked with burnt myrrh, after 
which they were closed with clay stoppers, and sealed up with 
pitch, chalk, or cement (oblinere, gypsare). A small tablet 
(tesserce, notce, pittiacia) attached to the body of the vessel indicated 
the size of the vessel and the name of the wine, also the consul 
under whom it had been stowed away. One amphora, for instance, 
bears the following inscription — RYBP. YET. Y. P. OIL (rubrum 
vetus vinum picatum CIL), i.e. old pitched red wine, contents 
102 lagense. The amphorse were put in the upper story of the 
house, in order that the ascending smoke should give the wine 
a mild flavour (compare Horace, Od. III., 8, 9). Owing to 
the copious sediment produced by this method, the wine had to 
be strained each time before it was drunk. Several strainers 
(colum) made of metal have indeed been found at Pompeii. 
Sometimes a basin filled with snow {colum nivarium) was put on 
the top of a larger vessel. The wine was poured on the snow, 
through which it dripped into the amphora both cooled and 
filtered. "Wooden barrels were not used in Rome in Pliny's time ; 
they seem to have been introduced from the Alpine countries at a 
later period. 

Innumerable different kinds of wine were grown in Italy, not 
to mention the Greek islands. The Romans became acquainted 
with the vine through the South Italian Greeks, who brought it 
from the mother-country. Italian soil and climate were favourable 
to its growth, and Italian growers were moreover encouraged 
by laws prohibiting the planting of new vineyards in the pro- 
vinces. According to Pliny (" Nat. Hist.," XXXIIL, 20), the 
Surrentum (sc. vinum) was the favourite wine of earlier times, 
afterwards supplanted by the Falernum or Albanum. These and 
other celebrated wines were frequently imitated. Of great 
celebrity were also the Caecubum (afterwards supplanted by the 
Setinum), the Massicum, Albanum, Calenum, Capuanum, Mamer- 
tinum, Tarentinum, and others. Altogether eighty places are 
mentioned as famous for their wines, two-thirds of which were in 
Italy. Besides these we count about fifty kinds of liqueurs made 
of odoriferous herbs and flowers, such as roses, violets, aniseed, 



thyme, myrtle, &c, also several beverages extracted from various 

We possess several representations of vintages and of the 
process of pressing the grapes. In the centre of a bas-relief 
in the Yilla Albani (Panofka, "Bilder antiken Lebens," Taf. 
XIV., 9) we see a large tub, in which three boys are stamp- 
ing with their feet on grapes brought to them in baskets. 
The must runs from the large tub into a smaller one, whence 
another boy pours it into a vessel made of osiers secured with 
pitch ; to the right another boy pours the contents of a vessel of 
the same kind into a dolium. A wine-press is seen in the back- 
ground. In another picture (Zahn, "Die schonsten Ornamente," 
&c, 3rd Series, Taf. 13) we see three Sileni occupied in the same 
manner as the three boys. 

We mentioned before (§ 38) that the custom, still obtaining 


Fig. 459. 

in the South, of keeping the wine in hides of animals is of antique 
origin. The hairy part, rubbed with a resinous substance, was 
turned inside. Both Roman and Greek peasants brought their 
cheap wines to market in such skins (uter). In case larger 
quantities had to be transported, several skins were sewed 
together, and the whole put on a cart. Fig. 459 shows a wine- 
cart from a wall-painting, with which the interior of a tavern 
at Pompeii is appropriately decorated. The picture, which 
requires no further explanation, gives a vivid idea of a Roman 

92. Amongst all domestic utensils dug up, the lamps, par- 


ticularly those made of bronze, claim our foremost attention, 
both by their number and by the variety of their forms. Lamps, 
like other earthenware utensils, were made in the most outlying 
settlements, or were (in case their designs were of a more elaborate 
kind) imported there from larger towns. The older Greek custom 
of burning wax and tallow candles (candelce cerece, sebacece), or 
pine-torches (see § 40) was soon superseded by the invention of 
the oil-lamp (lucerna) ; these candles, moreover, were always of 
a primitive kind, consisting of a wick of oakum (stuppa) or the 
pith of a bulrush (scirpus) dipped into the liquid wax or tallow, 
and dried afterwards. Even the lighting of the rooms by lamps 

Fig. 460. 

(notwithstanding the elegant forms of the latter) was not on a 
par with other comforts and luxuries of Roman life. Glass 
chimneys were unknown, and the soot of the oil-lamps settling on 
furniture and wall-paintings had to be carefully sponged off by 
the slaves every morning. 

The lamp consisted of the oil-reservoir (discus, infundibulum), 
either circular or elliptic in form, the nose (nasus), through which 
the wick was pulled, and the handle (ansa). The material 
commonly used was terra-cotta, yellow, brownish red, or scarlet 
in colour, frequently glazed over with silicate. The simplest 



forms of the lamp are specified in Fig. 460, d, e, I, m. All these 
lamps have only owe opening for the wick (monomyxos, monolychnis), 
others (b, c, k) have two such openings (dimyxi, trimyxi, poly my xi). 
Birch (" History of Ancient Pottery/' vol. ii., pp. 274 and 275) 
gives earthenware lamps with seven, and even twelve, nasi from 
originals in the British Museum. The Royal Antiquarium in 
Berlin also possesses two earthenware lamps with twelve nasi. The 
disks and handles of many of these lamps are adorned with grace- 
ful bas-reliefs, representing mythological events, animals, domestic 
life, or battles, fights of gladiators, flowers, garlands, &c, fre- 
quently original in composition. Fig. 460, d, shows Apollo, / a 
Soman warrior standing by a battering-ram, m two soldiers fighting. 

ha c 
Fig. 461. 

Of particular interest is Fig. 460, e, representing an earthenware 
lamp, which, according to its inscription, was intended for a New 
Year's present (strence)* The device on the shield of the Goddess 

A number of lamps show on their bases inscriptions, either 
incised or in relief, indicative of the name of the potter, the 
owner, or the reigning emperor, &c. ; sometimes we also meet with 
trade marks affixed to the lamps. 

* Several lamps, intended as new year's gifts, such as were habitually exchanged 
by friends amongst the Romans, are in the R. Antiquarium of Berlin. 



The forms of the lamps in Fig. 460, b, i, are of an unusual 
kind. The former shows a sacellum with the enthroned figure of 
Pluto ; the latter has the semblance of a sandalled foot. Greater 
elegance and variety are displayed in the bronze lamps frequently 
found in our museums (Fig. 460, a, f } g, h, k). Herculaneum 
and Pompeii have yielded a number of 
beautiful specimens, counting amongst 
the most graceful utensils of antique 
times. To snuff the wick (putres fungi) 
and to pull it out small pincers were 
used, numbers of which have been found 
at Pompeii ; another instrument serving 
the same purpose appears in Fig. 460, a, 
where the figure standing on the lamp 
holds it by a chain. 

. In order to light up larger rooms these 
lamps were either put on stands or they 
were suspended by chains from lamp- 
holders or from the ceiling. These 
stands or lamp-holders [candelabrum) 
were, amongst the poorer classes, made 
of wood or common metal ; the rich, on 
the other hand, had them executed in 
the most graceful and elegant forms. 
The thin stem, sometimes fluted, some- 
times formed like the stem of a tree, 
rises to a height of 3 to 5 feet, on a base 
generally formed by three paws of 
animals ; on this stem rests either a 
diminutive capital or a human figure, 
destined to carry the plate (discus) on 
which the lamp stands. The shaft is -- ' —III 
frequently adorned with figures of all 462. 
kinds of animals. Sometimes we see a 

marten or a cat crawling up the shaft of the candelabrum, 
intent upon catching the pigeons carelessly sitting on the disk — 
a favourite subject, which occurs, with many variations, in 
the candelabra found in Etruscan grave-chambers. Besides 
these massive candelabra, there were others with hollow 

4 6 4 


stems, into which a second stem was inserted, which could he 
pulled out and fastened by means of holts ; in this manner 
the candelabrum could he shortened or lengthened at will. 
Fig. 461, a, shows a candelabrum in the shape of a tree, the 
branches of which carry two disks for lamps. At the foot of the 
tree a Silenus is seated on a rock — an appropriate ornament, 
seeing that the lamp was destined to give light to merry 

Different from the candelabrum is the lampadarium. Here 
the stem resembles a column or pillar, and is 
often architecturally developed ; from the capital 
at the top issue several thin branches gracefully 
bent, from which the lamps are suspended by 
chains. Fig. 461, b and c, represents two elegant 
specimens of lampadaria; in the latter the base 
takes the shape of a platform, on the front part 
of which we see an altar with the fire burning on 
it, and on the opposite side Bacchus riding on a 
panther. Each of the four lamps is made after 
a different pattern, which is also the case with 
the lamps in Fig. 461, b. 

All the candelabra and lampadaria hitherto 
mentioned could be placed and replaced as con- 
venience required ; others were too heavy to be 
moved. We are speaking of the long marble 
candelabra, specimens of which are shown in 
Figs. 462 and 463 ; they were placed as anathe- 
mata in temples, or in the halls of the rich, and on 
festive days blazing fires were lit on them. 
Fig. 463. The sacred character of the candelabrum (Fig. 

462) is proved by the altar-like base resting 
on three sphinxes, and by the rams' heads at the corners. 
Cicero, in his impeachment of Verres, mentions a candelabrum 
adorned with jewels destined by the sons of Antiochus for 
the temple of the Capitoline Jupiter, but appropriated by 
Verres before it had reached its place of destination. The 
candelabrum (Fig. 463), the stem of which is supported by 
kneeling Atlantes, most likely belonged to a private mansion. 
Lanterns also (laterna) have been found at Pompeii ; they 



consist of cylindrical cases protected by a cover, and attached to 
a chain. Transparent materials, such as horn, oiled canvas, and 
bladder, were used instead of glass, which was introduced at a 
later period. 

To conclude we mention some Greek lamps, mostly found in 
Roman catacombs, which, by the Christian subjects of their bas- 
reliefs and by the sign of the cross and the monogram of Christ 
frequently found on them, can be distinguished from other contem- 
porary lamps, from which, however, they do not differ in form. 

93. To complete our description of domestic utensils, we must 
once more pass through the different rooms of the Roman house 
with the assistance of our Plan (Fig. 386). Entering the ostium 
from the street we first observe the folding- doors (fores, bifores), 
made of wood, frequently inlaid with ivory or tortoiseshell ; in 
jmblic buildings, particularly in temples, these always open out- 
wards, in private houses inwards. They, however, did not, like 
the doors of our rooms, move on hinges, but on pivots (Carolines) 
let into the lintel (limen superum) and the stone sill (limen inferum). 
Holes for this purpose have been found in the thresholds of houses 
at Pompeii. Like the threshold, the doorpost (posies) in good 
houses consisted of marble or of elegant woodwork. Knockers, 
fastened in the centre of the panel, may be seen in wall-paintings ; 
a few specimens of these have been preserved. The janitor or 
porter (whose office was held in every good house by a particular 
slave, and whose box, cella ostiarii, was near the door) ojDened the 
door by pushing back the bolt (pessuli) or bar (sera, whence the 
expression reserare, to unbolt). Doors opening outward, parti- 
cularly those of cupboards, 
&c, were not bolted, but 
closed with lock and key. 
Most of our larger mu- 
seums possess specimens of 
iron or bronze keys (Fig. 
464). They are of all 
sizes, from the small ring- 
key (Fig. 464, a) attached to the finger-ring, or the small 
skeleton-key (Fig. 464, c), to the large latch-key. Frequently 
they are of a peculiar shape (Fig. 464, b), and the locks to 
which they were fitted must have been contrived with great 

H H 



mechanical ingenuity. A few locks have been preserved ; but 
most of them, like, for instance, those found at Neuwied, are in an 
almost decayed condition. 

There were no separate doors to the single rooms, which were 
closed only by curtains {vela), so as not to shut out the fresh 
air from the generally small bedrooms and sitting-rooms. Poles 
and rings for these curtains have been found at Pompeii. 

We now enter the interior of the house, undeterred by the 
rod (virga) or threatening fist, which the porter (pstiarius) was 
wont to oppose to unwelcome visitors. A "SALVE" on the 
threshold bids us welcome. We first come to the atrium, the 
centre of house and family, where stood the hearth with its Lares 
and Penates and the venerable marital couch (lectus geniaUs). 
Here, in ancient times, the matron, surrounded by her children 
and hand-maidens, used to sit and weave. These old customs, 
however, soon disappeared. It is true that even at a later period 
the altar was reflected in the waves of the fountain ; but no fire 
was lit cn it; it remained in its place only as a tradition of 
former ages. Another memorial of ancient times are the family- 
portraits {imagines maiorum) looking down upon us from the 
opened wall-presses {armaria) surrounding the room. In the 
atria of old family houses were found masks of wax (cerce), taken 
from the features of the dead persons, with tablets (titulus, elogium ) 
telling of their names, dignities, and deeds attached to them. 
"The lines of the pedigree " (Pliny, "JN T at. Hist.," XXXV. 2) 
" were drawn to the pictures, and the family archives filled with 
written and monumental evidence of their deeds, By the doors 
were seen representations of their valour, and near these were 
hung the weapons captured from the enemy, which even subse- 
quent owners of the house were not allowed to remove." This 
custom was abandoned when upstarts bought the old mansions, 
and placed the marble or bronze busts of fictitious ancestors in 
their niches. Needy scholars were not wanting to trace back 
pedigrees to JEneas himself. The craving for portrait- statues is 
ridiculed by Pliny, who says that the libraries frequently contain 
sculptural reproductions of features invented for the purpose, as, 
for instance, those of Homer. 

The wall-paintings found at Pompeii and Herculaneum, 
although belonging to provincial towns, afford us sufficient 



Fig. 465. 
H H 2 



insight to judge approximately of the art of painting as practised 
amongst the Greeks ; for this art also the Romans had adopted 
from them. How far the Greeks used this art for wall- decoration 
of their private houses is difficult to decide, seeing that all such 
houses have disappeared and that Greek authors only mention the 
large paintings found in public buildings. Perhaps private wall- 
painting, although certainly not unknown to the Greeks, was prac- 
tised amongst the Romans more extensively than amongst their 
instructors. Most of the better wall-paintings were undoubtedly 
executed by Greek artists living in Italy. In most cities there 
were guilds of painters, presided over by a master, perhaps of 
Greek birth, who himself made the designs of the better pictures, 
leaving the mechanical part of the work to his assistant. Many 
of the imperfect designs, however, found at Pompeii are evidently 
the work of inexperienced mechanics ; but even in these a certain 
grace of workmanship betrays the influence of Greek schools. 
The same influence is displayed still more distinctly in those 
fantastic arabesques, which Yitruvius ("Arch.," VII. 3) considers 
as the excrescences of a degenerated taste. With this censure we 
are unable to agree fully ; for these compositions, although 
frequently bizarre, surprise us by the boldness and accuracy 
of their designs, which, at any rate, betray a thorough artistic 

Whether the remaining wall-paintings are originals or copies 
is in most cases impossible to decide : four monochromes at Her- 
culaneum have the name of the artist, Alexandros of Athens, 
added to them. The fact, however, that amongst the numerous 
paintings found in two neighbouring towns, and frequently 
treating the same subjects, not two compositions exactly like each 
other have been discovered, seems to prove that the copying of 
pictures, barring a few celebrated masterpieces, was not customary ; 
single features of compositions are, however, frequently repeated, 
which, like the uniform treatment of colour and design, and the 
almost unvaried repetition of certain figures, tends to prove the 
existence of schools of decorative painters. 

All the different classes of wall-paintings specified by Vitru- 
vius — viz. architectural design, landscapes, still lives, scenes from 
daily life, tragic and satirical representations, and renderings 
of mythical subjects — are specified by one or more examples 



amongst the wall-pictures of Pompeii and Herculaneum. Imita- 
tions of architectural materials, particularly of marble, occur 
frequently, as do also fanciful architectural designs, used mostly 
as frames of large surfaces adorned with pictures (Fig. 465) ; 
lofty buildings resting on thin columns, with winding staircases, 
windows, doors, and roofs of fantastic, almost Chinese, shape, 
throughout adorned with statuettes, garlands, and small animal 
pictures, are drawn in white or light yellow contours on a dark 
background. Small views of the sea, with ships on it, of har- 
bours, temples, villas (see Figs. 375, 394), halls, forests, and rocks, 
with figures in the fore- 
ground, painted generally 
on friezes and bases of 
columns, give us an idea 
of Greek landscape-paint- 
ing. The painter Tadius, 
in the reign of Augustus, 
was, according to Pliny, 
the inventor of this style 
of painting. Still life is 
represented by numerous 
culinary subjects, such 
as game, fish and other 
marine creatures, fruits, 
and pastry (see Fig. 479). 
Amongst genre pictures 
we count numerous scenes 
from daily life, such as 
interiors of workshops 
with genii as carpenters and cobblers, a f ullonica with (Figs. 472, 
473) workmen, vintners carting home their grapes (Fig. 459), 
symposia, sales of Cupids, &c. ; also representations connected with 
the theatre, both on the stage and behind the scenes, dancing-girls 
and floating figures, the latter particularly being amongst the 
highest achievements of antique painting. We, moreover, refer to 
the above-described charming picture of a young lady with a pencil 
and writing-tablet in her hands, as also to that of a female painter 
(Fig. 466). The artist dips her brush into a colour-box standing 
on a piece of column; in her left she holds her palette; her eye 

Fig. 466. 

4 ;o 


rests on the her me of a bearded Bacchus, which she has been 
c opying ; a boy kneeling by the base of the herme holds the 
canvas, with the picture of the god nearly finished. We mention 
in connection with this picture the name of Iaia of Kyzikos, who, 
according to Pliny, lived in Rome when Marcus Yarro was a 
young man : she painted with the brush and also engraved on 
ivory, chiefly female portraits ; in Naples she painted on a large 
tablet the portrait of an old woman, and also her own likeness 
from a looking-glass. 

Of mythological subjects we see specimens in all the more 
important houses at Pompeii, as, for instance, in the Casa delle 
Pareti Nere, Casa delle Baccanti, Casa degli Scienziati, Casa 
delle Sonatrici (with life-size figures), Casa di Adone, di 
Meleagro, del Poeta Tragico : consisting of larger compositions 
or of single figures, these pictures occupy the centre spaces 
of the walls, either in square or round frames. Amongst single 
figures, we frequently meet with those of Jupiter and Ceres. 
Of subjects we mention the finding of Ariadne by Bacchus, 
Adonis bleeding himself to death in the arms of Venus, Mars and 
Venus, Luna and Endymion, not to mention numerous other 
amorous adventures of the gods, with which the lascivious taste of 
the time was wont to adorn bedrooms and triclinia. The same 
preference for erotic and sentimental subjects appears in many 
pictures representing the mythical adventures of heroes ; others 
are treated in a purely artistic spirit without sensuous admixture. 
Amongst the latter we refer to the graceful picture of Leda, 
holding in her hand the nest containing Helen and the Dioscuri ; 
also to the pictures of the sacrifice of Iphigenia, Chiron giving a 
music -lesson to the youthful Achilles, the discovery of the same 
hero amongst the daughters of Lykomedes, and the abduction 
of Briseis from Achilles' s tent. The backgrounds of these pictures 
are black, reddish brown, deep yellow, or dark blue ; particularly 
on black and dark blue backgrounds the figures appear with a 
distinctness rivalling plastic art. This contrast of colours, no 
less than the effects of light and shade, and the grace and truth of 
many of the compositions, more than fully make up for occasional 
inaccuracies of drawing. 

In order to preserve the pictures, the most important ones 
amongst them have been sawed from out of the walls and 



removed to the Museum of Naples, where, after many of them have 
been partly destroyed by unskilful treatment, the remainder are 
now placed in a favourable position. Many of those not removed 
have partly or entirely been destroyed by the influences of day- 
light and weather ; only in cases where the pictures had been 
protected in time by roofs has the process of decay been, at least, 
retarded. Two Germans, Zahn and Ternite,* deserve our grati- 
tude for having copied and published a number of the chief 
pictures at a time when they were still in a good state of preser- 
vation. The accurate reproduction of designs and colours leaves 
nothing to be desired, which is more than can be said of the 
much more numerous copies which have appeared in the " Museo 
Borbonico." t The latter reproductions are without colours. In 
judging of the effects of colour in these pictures it ought to be 
remembered that they were intended to be seen by the subdued 
light of the atria and peristylia, or of the adjoining chambers, 
which had no windows of their own. 

A few words ought to be added about the mechanical method 
of painting amongst the ancients. Many authors speak about the 
gradual development of the art from the first silhouettes {linearis 
pictura) attempted at Korinth and Sikyon, to the painting of 
the outlines in monochrome. Darker lines were added to 
express the various parts of the body and drapery ; and this led 
ultimately to a perspective, life-like conception of the human 
figure, in exactly the same gradual manner which we observed in 
vase-painting. About the time of Polygnotos the use of four 
colours, viz. white earth of Melos, red earth of Sinope, yellow- 
ochre of Attika, and black, began to supersede painting in 
monochrome. The use of these four colours and their mixtures 
implied the fundamental notions of light and shade, the first 
introduction of which has been severally ascribed to Apollodoros 
of Athens, Zeuxis, and Parrhasios, the founder of the Ionic school. 
The highest degree of artistic skill was attained by the school 
of Sikyon, founded by Eupompos, and brought to its climax of 
perfection by Apelles. Unfortunately no pictures of the great 

* W. Zahn, "Die schonsten Ornamente und merkwiirdigsten Gemalde aus Pompeji, 
Herculanum und Stabiae." Series 1 — 3. Berlin, 1827 — 1859. Ternite, "Wandge- 
malde aus Pompeji und Herculanum." 11 parts. Berlin, 1839. 

f "Beal Museo Borbonico," vols. i. — xvi. Napoli, 1824 — 1857. 



Greek artists have come to us. The canvases of the great Greek 
masters were either brought to Borne as spoil or they were 
imported by the dealers. Even wall-pictures were sawed from 
out of the walls, in order to be framed and taken to Italy by the 
conquerors ; this was done, for instance, in several buildings of 
Sparta. All these paintings have been lost in the course of 
centuries. Only the burial-places of Etruria, the houses of 
Pompeii and Herculaneum, some parts of the imperial thermae 
in Rome, and a few remnants of wall-paintings found in various 
other places, bear witness of the great perfection of Greek 
technique preserved in Italy even after the decay of Greek art 
itself. It has been proved by careful and still-continued investi- 
gations that the substances used for the colour were almost 
exclusively minerals : of animal substances we only know the 
slimy matter of the purple snail mixed with chalk ; the only 
vegetable substance used was the black of charcoal. As unmixed 
colours were used the white of chalk and the yellow of ochre, 
the admixture of chalk and minium to the latter producing light 
yellow and orange ; for blue, was used oxidised copper ; for red, 
red chalk or minium ; and for brown, burnt ochre. Green was 
only produced by mixture. Previously to applying the colour (see 
Vitruvius, TIL 3, 8) one layer of plaster was laid on the wall, on 
the top of which one or more thin layers of fine mortar were added ; 
over these several layers of mortar mixed with powdered marble or 
chalk were laid, the upper one being added before the lower had 
quite dried, by means of which the whole surface received a firmness 
and consistency almost equalling marble. The upper layers were 
finally beaten down and smoothed by means of a wooden instru- 
ment called bacillus (stick), the impressions of which are, according 
to Mazois, still recognisable on several walls at Pompeii. The 
painting was done either al fresco or a tempera. In the former 
case the colours, moistened with water, were put on the damp 
wall ; by means of a chemical amalgamation the picture was thus 
indelibly affixed to the hardening surface. In a tempera painting 
the colours, after having received an admixture of size in order 
to make them adhesive, were put on the dry surface. Both 
methods have been used at Pompeii (see Overbeck, " Pompeji," 
2nd edition, vol. ii. p. 182 et seq.). The backgrounds were 
always painted al fresco, as were also generally the architectural 



ornaments, imitations of coloured stones ; and, in a few cases, the 
subject pictures in the centre. As a rule, the latter, however, were 
painted a tempera on the alfresco background or immediately on 
the wall, a space being in that case left free for them ; the latter 
pictures may be removed from the wall in thin layers, while a 
removal of the al fresco paintings implies the destruction of the 
surface underneath. 

Encaustic colours were never applied in wall-decorations, 
although frequently in pictures painted on tablets or canvas. 
Colours prepared with a resinous substance have been found in 
the shop of a colourman belonging to the Casa del Arciduca, at 
Pompeii. In order to preserve them from the influence of the 
open air the pictures were frequently coated over with varnish 
made of wax or resinous matter. 

94. The floors of the rooms consisted originally of clay, 
stamped or beaten to make it smooth, and mixed with potsherds 
to add to its firmness (pavimentum testaceum). Soon, however, 
this primitive method was superseded by a pavement consisting 
of slabs of white or party-coloured marble, placed together in geo- 
metrical figures of three, four, or six angles {pavimentum sectile) ; 
sometimes also square tablets were composed into checkered 
patterns {pavimentum tessettatum). The latter kind of pavement 
was common in Italy even before the Cimbrian war ; it was 
applied, for the first time on a large scale, in the temple of the 
Capitoline Jupiter, after the beginning of the third Carthaginian 
war (see Pliny, " Nat. Hist.," XXXVI. 25, 61). From this kind 
of pavement (which remained in use down to late Poman times) 
the mosaic proper was developed, the larger tablets being changed 
for small parti- coloured pieces of marble, valuable stones (such as 
onyx or agate), and glass, placed together in various patterns. 
The art of working in mosaic had been practised in the East from 
a very early period. The method of surrounding the centre 
pictures with decorative designs was adopted for these pavements 
from wall-painting. The dark stripes of the geometrical figures 
thus form, in a manner, the frames of the pictures themselves. 
Sometimes the whole floor of a room was occupied by one design, 
at other times by several smaller medallion-like pictures. Work 
of this kind received the name of mosaic {pavimentum musivum). 
Before the mosaic was placed, the ground underneath was 



firmly stamped down, or received a foundation of slabs of stone ; 
to this foundation a layer of plaster, slow in diying and very 
adhesive, was added, into which the above-mentioned small pieces 
were inserted after a certain pattern ; the whole formed a compact 
mass, impenetrable to dust and rain. 

The mosaic floors found in almost every Roman house have 
mostly been well preserved under the rubbish of centuries. In 
the various Roman temples, baths, and dwelling-houses we see 
numerous specimens of mosaic, varying from rude attempts to the 
highest perfection of workmanship. Remains of Greek mosaic 
preserved in Greece have not as yet been discovered, barring a 
rather rude composition of coloured stones in the pronaos and 
peristylos of the temple of Zeus at Olympia. 

The compositions of the mosaic pictures are of the most varied 
kind, not to speak of the numerous decorative patterns of generally 
black lines on a white ground. Masks and scenic representations 
(mosaic of Palestrina), races in the circus (mosaic found at Lyons, 
see § 104), mythological representations (fight of Theseus with 
Minotauros, found amongst the ruins of Iuvavia, the modern 
Salzburg), historical battles (battle of Alexander in the Casa 
del Fauno, at Pompeii), musical instruments (mosaic pavement in 
the villa at Nennig, Fig. 245), — such are the subjects chosen, and 
executed with admirable neatness, by antique artists. Amongst 
the most celebrated mosaics no more in existence we mention the 
pavement of the clining-hall of the royal palace of Pergamum, 
executed by Sosus. It imitated a floor with the remains of a 
dinner lying on it ; the name applied to this hall was " the 
unswept " {olkos aaapwros), afterwards transferred to all mosaic- 
work of a similar kind (opus asarotum). Pliny also mentions 
another mosaic in the same palace representing a dove sitting on 
the rim of a fountain, with the shadow of its head thrown on to 
the water. Perhaps the two mosaics seen in the villa of Hadrian 
and at Naples were imitations of those of Pergamum. Amongst 
mosaics still preserved, we mention particularly the large battle- 
scene found, in 1831, in the Casa del Fauno, at present to be seen 
in the Royal Museum, Naples. With regard to both size and 
beauty of composition it ranks amongst the finest works of 
antique art. It represents, most likely, the final victory of 
Alexander over Darius at Issos : both kings appear in the melee, 



the former piercing with his spear a noble Persian, the latter 
standing on his chariot surrounded by a few faithful followers ; 
a horse is kept ready for his flight. From 

the left the Greek cavalry are making an 
irresistible attack on the wavering lines of 
the Persians. Helen, the daughter of Timon 
the Egyptian, is said to have painted a 
picture of this battle, which Yespasian 

brought to Pome ; perhaps our mosaic is Fig. 467. 

a copy of it. The accuracy of the details 

may be concluded from the fact that each square inch is com- 
posed of one hundred and fifty pieces of glass or marble. Fig. 467 
represents a mosaic found in the house of the Poeta Tragico 
at Pompeii. 

Before leaving the house, we must cast a passing glance at the 
riridarium. Homer already mentions a large garden belonging to 
the palace of Alkinoos, king of the Phaiakai. Enclosed by a 
quadrangular wall, it contained the choicest kinds of pears, figs, 
pomegranates, olives, apples, and grapes, not to speak of beautiful 
beds of flowers. The water supply was plentiful. Horticulture, 
however, limited itself to the indigenous productions of the soil : 
the importation of tropical plants was unknown both to Greeks 
and Romans. We quote a letter of the younger Pliny to give 
some idea of Poman horticultural art ; it somewhat reminds us of 
the style of the time of Louis XIV., as displayed in the gardens of 
Versailles. " In front of the portico of the house/' Pliny says, speak- 
ing of his Tuscan villa, " lies a terrace cut into all kinds of shapes, 
and edged with box ; it is adjoined by a sloping lawn, at the side 
of which the box is cut into the forms of various animals looking 
at each other. In the plain stands a cluster of delicate acanthus- 
plants, round which there is a walk, the latter being inclosed by 
a hedge of evergreen cut into different shapes and always kept 
under the shears. By the side of it an avenue resembling a race- 
course winds round clusters of box cut into various shapes, and 
trees not allowed to grow high. The whole is inclosed by a wall 
hidden from sight by box planted in a terrace-like manner. 
Behind the wall follows a meadow, pleasing by its natural beauties 
no less than the garden by its artificial charms. Fields and 
many other meadows and groves lie around." After this follows 



a glowing description of the villa itself, and the summer-house 
with its beautiful view of garden, fields, and woods. " In front of 
this building," he continues, " lies a roomy manege, open in the 
centre and surrounded by maple-trees ; ivy encircles their stems 
and branches, winding from one tree to another. Here you see a 
small meadow, there clusters of box cut into a thousand shapes, 
sometimes in the form of letters indicating the name of the owner 
or that of the gardener. You next come to a grove with a bench 
of white marble, overshadowed by a grape-vine propped by four 
small columns of Carystian marble. A small waterspout issues 
from the bench, as if caused by the pressure of those sitting on it ; 
the water falls into a hollowed stone, from whence it flows 
unnoticeably into another marble basin. In case people want to 
dine here, the heavy dishes are put on the rim of the basin, while 
the lighter ones, shaped like birds or fish, are set afloat on the 
water." Pliny, of course, is describing one of those large gardens 
belonging to the country-residences of the rich. In large cities, 
particularly in Rome, where every square foot of ground was 
of great value, gardens even of very moderate dimensions could 
be indulged in only at great expense. Such virklaria, deprived of 
the charms of living trees and flowers, but still showing the remains 
of verandahs, statuettes, and fountains (compare "Pitture antiche 
d'Ercolano," vol. ii., Tav. 21), ponds, and borders of flower-beds, 
have been discovered amongst the ruins of Pompeii ; for instance, 
in connection with the houses of Diomedes, of Sallustius (see Fig. 
390), of Meleager, of the Small Fountain, and of the Centaur. The 
existence of glass houses to protect tender plants from the cold 
of the winter is proved by the verses of Martial (VIII. 14). 

95. The art of arranging in a picturesque manner the few 
pieces of clothing required by the southern climate of Italy, 
or by their feeling of propriety, the Romans had adopted at an 
early period from their Greek neighbours, aided in this respect 
by their own sense of the picturesque. The old republican type of 
the Roman dress, although to some extent modified with regard to 
shape and colour by the luxurious habits of later times, still 
remained essentially unaltered. 

The Greek distinction between epiblemata and endymata 
reappears in the amictas and indutus of the Romans ; the former 
class being chiefly represented by the toga, the latter by the tunica. 



The toga, the specifically national dress of the Romans, was 
originally put on the naked body, fitting much more tightly than 
the rich folds of the togas of later times. About the shape of this 
toga, which is described as a semicircular cloak {irepifioKaiov 
ijluLih'VK\iov), many different opinions prevail. Some scholars con- 
sider it to have been an oblong piece of woven cloth like the 
Greek epiblemata described by us (§ 42) ; others construct it of one 
or even two pieces cut into segments of a circle. Here again we 
shall adopt in the main the results arrived at through practical 
trials by Weiss (" Costiimkunde," p. 956 et seq.). The Roman toga 
therefore was not, like the Greek epiblemata, a quadrangular 
oblong, but "had the shape of an oblong edged off into the form of 
an oval, the middle length being equal to about three times the 
height of a grown-up man (exclusive of the head), and its middle 
breadth equal to twice the same length. In putting it on, the toga 
was at first folded lengthwise, and the double dress thus originated 
was laid in folds on the straight edge and thrown over the left 
shoulder in the simple manner of the Greek or Tuscan cloak ; the 
toga, however, covered the whole left side and even dragged on 
the ground to a considerable extent. The cloak was then pulled 
across the back and through the right arm, the ends being again 
thrown over the left shoulder backwards. The part of the 
drapery covering the back was once more pulled towards the right 
shoulder, so as to add to the richness of the folds." Counting the 
whole length of the toga at three lengths of a full-grown man, 
the first third of the toga would go to the front part of the 
drapery up to the height of the left shoulder, the second third 
to the part pulled across the back and under the right arm, the 
remaining third being occupied by the part pulled across the 
chest and again thrown over the left arm. If the toga is folded 
so that the two half-ovals are not congruent to each other, and that 
therefore the lower edges of the cloak do not fall together, the 
result will be that in putting on the toga two layers of clothing- 
will appear, the longer one reaching down to the calves (media 
crura), the shorter one only to the knee (see Fig. 468). The 
former part of the cloak touches the body, the latter one lying 

The simpler, that is narrower, toga of earlier times naturally 
clung more tightly to the body ; a wide bend of the part reaching 



from the right arm across the chest to the left shoulder was 
therefore impossible. This rich fold in the later toga is compared 
by an author to the belt of a sword (qui sub humero dextro ad 
sinistrum oblique ducitur, velut balteus. Quinctil., XI. 3, 137). The 
same author adds, that the old Roman toga had no such fold 
(sinus), which in the later toga was large enough to hide objects 

in. The part of the toga 
touching the ground was 
pulled across the sinus and 
arranged in large folds, as 
appears, for instance, from 
the statue of the emperor 
Lucius Severus (Fig. 468). 
Whether the part thus ar- 
ranged was called umbo we 
will not venture to decide. 
Although the older toga 
impeded comparatively 
little the motions of the 
body, soldiers thought it 
necessary to tie the end 
thrown over the left shoul- 
der round their waists, so 
as to keep their arms free. 
This sort of belt (cinctus 
Gabinus) remained the mili- 
tarjr costume till the sagum 
was introduced : even after 
that time the belted toga 
used to be worn at certain 
religious rites, such as the 
founding of cities or the 
opening of the temple of 
Janus ; also by the consul when performing certain religious cere- 
monies previously to setting out on a campaign. The Romans 
had undoubtedly adopted this costume from the inhabitants 
of the neighbouring Gabii, who on their part received it from 
the Etruscans. The later toga, with its rich folds covering the 
whole body, prevented each rapid motion which might have 



disturbed their careful arrangement. In order to produce, and give 
a certain consistency to, these folds, they were arranged by slaves 
on the preceding evening ; sometimes small pieces of wood were 
put between the single folds, so as to form them more distinctly. 
Pins or clasps to fasten the toga seem not to have been used. 
Small pieces of lead sewed into the ends, hidden by tassels, served 
to preserve the drapery : a similar practice we noticed amongst 
the Greeks. 

The toga as the Roman national dress was allowed to be worn 
by free citizens only. A stranger not in full possession of the 
rights of a Roman citizen could not venture to appear in it. Even 
banished Romans were in imperial times precluded from wearing 
it. The appearance in public in a foreign dress was considered 
as contempt of the majesty of the Roman people. Even boys 
appeared in the toga, called, owing to the purple edge attached to 
it (a custom adopted from the Etruscans), toga prcetexta. On 
completing his sixteenth, afterwards his fifteenth, year {tirocinium 
fori) the boy exchanged the toga praetexta for the toga ririlis, 
pura, or libera — a white cloak without the purple edge. Roman 
ladies (for these also wore the toga) abandoned the purple edge 
on being married. The toga praetexta was the official dress 
of all magistrates who had a right to the curulean chair and the 
fasces ; the censors, although not entitled to the latter, also wore 
the toga praetexta. Amongst priests, the Flamen Dialis, the ponti- 
lices, augur es, septemviri, quindecimviri, and arvales wore the 
praetexta, while acting in their official capacity ; tribunes and 
aediles of the people, quaestors aud other lower magistrates were 
prohibited from wearing it. The toga picta and the toga palmata 
(the latter called so from the palm branches embroidered on it) 
were worn by victorious commanders at their triumphs; also (in 
imperial times) by consuls on entering on their office, by the 
praetors at ike pomp a circensis, and by tribunes of the people at the 
Augustalia. Being originally the festal dress of the Capitoline 
J upiter, this toga was also called Capitolina ; . it was presented by 
the senate to foreign potentates. Masinissa, for instance, received 
a golden crown, the sella curulis, an ivory sceptre, the toga picta, and 
the tunica palmata. 

Besides the somewhat un wieldly toga, there were other kinds 
of cloaks both warmer and more comfortable. In imperial times 



the toga was indispensable only in the law courts, the theatre, 
the circus, and at court ; under the Republic it was considered 
improper to appear in public without it. Amongst other cover- 
ings we mention the pcenula, a cloak reaching down to the knees, 
adopted most likely from the Celts. It was without sleeves and 
fastened together at the back (vestimentum clausum), a round 
opening being left to put the head through. It was open at both 
sides, and had a seam in front at least two-thirds of its length 
from the neck downwards. It consisted of thick wool or leather, 
and was worn by both men and women, over the toga or tunica, 
during journeys or in bad weather. At first it used to be made 
of a sort of foreign linen (gausapa), the outer side being rough, 
the inner smooth ; the woollen cloak (pcenula gausapina) was an 
introduction of later date. The psenula was, most likely, worn 
by soldiers sent to a rough climate. Another kind of cloak, 
also worn over the toga or tunica, was the lacerna. Its cut 
resembles that of the Greek chlamys, being an oblong open piece 
of cloth, fastened on the shoulder by means of a fibula. Although 
introduced much later than the poenula, it had become the common 
costume of imperial times, in which Romans appeared even on 
festive occasions. Being made of thinner material than the 
psenula, the lacerna gave more opportunity for the artistic 
arrangment of the folds. Large sums were spent on well-made 
and particularly well- dyed lacernse. As a further protection 
from wind and weather a hood (cucullus) was affixed to both 
psenula and lacerna ; to this we shall have to return. 

Similar in cut to the lacerna was the warrior's cloak, called 
originally trahea, later paludamentum and sagum ; it is essentially 
identical with the Greek chlamys. The paludamentum, always 
red in colour, was in republican times the exclusive privilege of 
the general-in- chief, who, on leaving for the war, was invested 
with it in the Capitol, and on his return changed it for the 
toga if ogam paludamento mutare). In imperial times, when the 
military commandership was concentrated in the person of the 
emperor, the paludamentum became the sign of imperial dignity. 
It was laid round the body in rich, picturesque folds. The sagum 
or sagulum was a shorter military cloak, also fastened across the 
shoulder like a chlamys ; it was worn by both officers and private 
soldiers in time of war. The sagum of imperial times was longer 



than that of the Republic. In the representations of "Allocu- 
tions," frequently occurring on monuments (for instance, on the 
arch of Septimius Severus and the Columna Antoniniana, Fig. 530), 
both officers and privates appear in richly draped saga, reaching 
down to the knees. The name sag alum most likely applies to 
the short mantle reaching hardly lower than the hips which 
is worn by the barbarian soldiers in the bas-relief of the arch of 

About the form of an article of dress called by the Greek 
name of synthesis we are entirely uncertain ; we do not even 
know whether to class it as amictus or indumentum. Out of doors 
it was only worn by the highest classes of society at the Satur- 
nalia; indoors it was usually worn at dinner (vestes cenatorice). 
Nevertheless the synthesis never appears in the numerous repre- 
sentations of festive meals. An epigram of Martial, in which 
Zoilus is made fun of for changing his synthesis eleven times, 
owing to its being saturated with perspiration,, seems to indicate 
that it must have been a close-fitting dress like the tunica. 

The tunica was put on in the same way as the Greek chiton. 
Its cut was the same for men and women, and its simple original 
type was never essentially modified by the additions of later 
fashion. It was light and comfortable, and was worn es23ecially at 
home ; out of doors the toga was arranged over it. Like the 
chiton, it could be worn with or without sleeves, and reached down 
to the calves ; underneath the chest it was fastened round the body 
with a girdle (cinctura), across which it was pulled and arranged 
in folds in the Greek fashion. The persons carrying the temple- 
treasure of Jerusalem on the arch of Titus (see Figs. 536 
and 537) wear the simple tunica arranged in this manner. In 
statues clad with the toga, the dress covering the upper part of the 
body to the neck must be designated as tunica (Fig. 468, compare 
the statues of Julius Csesar, Augustus, Tiberius, and Claudius in 
Clarac, "Musee de Sculpture," Nos. 916, 924, 912 A, 936 B). 
The soldiers on the monuments of imperial times wear the tunica 
underneath their armour or sagum. About the time of Commodus 
sleeves were added to both male and female tunics [tunica 
manicata), covering the arm almost to the wrist ; in a late Roman 
bas-relief we even see a prolongation of the sleeve resembling 
a cuff ; this kind of tunica is also called dalmatica. At a later 

1 1 



date two or three tunics were put on in cold weather : Augustus 
is said to have worn four in the winter. The tunic nearest to the 
body was called subucula ; the one over this, intusium or supparm. 
A tunic with a purple edge was the privilege of senators and 
knights, the sign of the ordo senatorius being one broad stripe, 
that of the ordo equester two narrower ones ; the former ornament 
was called clams latus, the latter clavus angustus, whence the 
distinction between tunica laticlavia and tunica angusticlavia. 

Fig. 469. 

"Women also used to wear a double tunica, the one nearest to 
the body (tunica interior) being a close-fitting sleeveless chemise 
reaching down over the knee. No girdle was required for it ; 
a thin band (mammillare, strophium) served to support the bosom. 
Above the lower tunica the long stola fell in many folds : as to its 
cut and the way of putting it on we refer the reader to our 
remarks about the simple Doric chiton of Greek women. Like 



this, the stola was an oblong chemise, cut open on the two upper 
sides, the open ends being fastened on both shoulders by means of 
clasps (compare the statue of Livia in " Mus. Borbon.," vol. iii. 
Tav. 37). Underneath the bosom the stola was fastened to the 
body by means of a girdle, through which it was pulled, so that 
its lower edge just touched the ground. 
In case the tunica had sleeves, the stola 
worn over it had none, and vice versa. 
The sleeves of the tunica or stola were 
cut open, and the ends fastened together 
by means of buttons or clasps, in the 
same manner as described by us in 
speaking of Greek dress (see the cele- 
brated marble statue of the younger 
Faustina, Fig. 469 ; also Fig. 471). An 
essential part of the stola is the furbelow 
(instita) or ornamental border attached to 
the bottom of the dress (see Fig. 471). 

Out of doors women wore a cloak 
(palla), appearing frequently on statues. 
Its cut resembled either that of the toga 
or that of the Greek himation, arranged 
in graceful folds according to the taste 
of the wearer, unrestricted by the laws 
of fashion, which exactly prescribed the 
folds of the male toga. A third kind of 
palla seems to have consisted of two 
pieces of cloth fastened over the shoulders 
with fibulae, and either falling down in 
loose folds or fastened round the body 
by means of a girdle. These three 
kinds of the palla occur on monuments, 
the first-mentioned being seen most fre- 4 '°- 
quently on the statues of matrons of the 

imperial family, or other portrait-statues of imperial times. Some- 
times the back part of the palla is drawn over the back of the head 
in the manner of a veil (see the statue of the younger Agrippina, 
Fig. 470). Other graceful arrangements of the palla appear in Fig. 
469, and on a seated statue of Agrippina, the wife of Germanicus, 

1 1 2 



in the museum of Florence. Before the introduction of the palla 
Boman ladies used to wear a shorter and tighter square cloak, 
called ricinhim, which afterwards seems to have been worn only 
at certain religious ceremonies. Similar articles of dress were 
the rica and suffibulum, the former worn by the Flaminica, the latter 
by the Yestals in the manner of a veil. Fig. 471 reproduces a 

Fig. 471. 

graceful picture found in a room at Herculaneum (1761), with 
several others, leaning against the wall. It is generally 
designated as the "Toilette of the Bride/' On a throne is 
seated the still youthful mother of the bride, dressed in the stola, 
tied round the body with the strophium. The lower part of the 
body is covered by the folds of the palla ; down her back floats a 


long veil fastened to the back of her head. Her right arm tenderly 
embraces the neck of her daughter ; both are gazing at the bride 
standing in the middle of the room. The stola of this, her 
second, daughter shows the broad instita already mentioned ; its 
open sleeves, or those of the tunica underneath, are fastened to 
the upper arm by means of buttons. She wears a palla of the 
toga kind over her other garments. A maid-servant, standing 
behind her, is clad in a stola (with sleeves reaching down to the 
wrists) and a palla. 

Up to the end of the Republic the only materials used for 
these dresses were wool (lama) and linen (Untea). The togas 
were made of various kinds of wool, those of Apulia and 
Tarentum being considered the best amongst Italian, and 
those of Attica, Laconica, Miletus, Laodicea, and Bsetica, the 
finest of foreign materials. Women's underclothing was made 
of linen, the materials of Spain, Syria, and Egypt being pre- 
ferred to those of Italian origin. Both materials were worked 
into lighter dresses for the summer, and warmer ones for the 
winter. Silk dresses (holoserica) and half-silk dresses (subserica) 
began to be worn by ladies about the end of the Republic ; under 
the Empire they were even adopted by men, notwithstanding the 
prohibitory law of Titus. About the importation of raw silk from 
Asia into Greece, and thence into Italy, we have spoken before. 
. We only add that the transparent sea-green veils, made princi- 
pally in the isle of Kos, occur repeatedly in wall-pictures (see 
" Mus. Borbon.," vol. viii., Tav. 5, III. 36, VII. 20). Goat's- 
hair was used only for coarse cloaks, blankets, and shoes. 

The usual colour of the dress was originally white (for the 
toga this was prescribed by law) : only poor people, slaves, and 
freedmen wore dresses of the natural brown or black colour of 
the wool, most likely for economical reasons. Only the mourning 
dresses of the upper classes showed dark colours (toga pulla, 
sordida). In imperial times, however, even men adopted dresses 
of scarlet, violet, or purple, colours formerly worn only by women. 
Fig. 471 may serve to illustrate the different colours of the 
dresses. The veil of the mother is blue, her stola of a transparent 
white, through which one sees the flesh-colour of the bosom ; her 
palla is reddish white, with a bluish-white border. The stola of 
the daughter nearest the mother is also reddish white, her palla 



being yellow, with a bluish- white border. Yellow was, accord- 
ing to Pliny, a favourite colour with women, particularly for brides' 
veils. The bride wears a reddish -violet stola, adorned with an 
embroidered instita of darker hue ; her palla is light blue. The 
servant wears a blue upper dress with white underclothing. 
Frequently the inside of dresses appears in the pictures of another 
colour than the outside. In a picture, for instance, representing 
Perseus and Andromeda (Zahn, " Die schon. Orn.," Series 3, 
Taf. 24), the outside of Perseus's dress is reddish brown, the 
inside white ; while Andromeda's dress is yellow outside and blue 
inside. Perhaps these dresses were lined with material of a 
different colour. 

Particularly interesting are the purple-coloured silk or 
woollen dresses of the Romans ; the raw materials were subjected 
to the dyeing process. Two kinds of snails, the trumpet- snail 
(buccinum, murex) and the purple snail proper (purpura, pelagia), 
yielded the colour ; the exudations of the latter were, in reality, 
of a yellowish -white colour, but by the combined influence of the 
sun and of dampness they turned into a rich violet colour. The 
scarlet juice of the buccinum was generally mixed with purple 
colour in order to prevent its fading. The purple colour proper 
had two shades, a black and a red one ; it was applied either pure 
or mixed with other substances. By means of these mixtures, 
and by dipping the cloth into the colour more than once, the 
ancients contrived to produce no less than thirteen different shades 
and nuances of colour. By mixing blackish purple with the 
buccinum juice the favourite amethyst- violet and hyacinth- 
purple colours were produced (ianthinum, violaceum). In order to 
gain brightness and intensity of colour the dress was dyed twice 
{bis tinctus, hiflcHpos), being dipped first into the purple juice and 
afterwards into that of the buccinum. Looked at straight, the 
blood-red dress thus prepared had a blackish tint, looked at from 
underneath it showed a bright red colour. The double-dyed 
purple dresses, particularly those of Tyrian and Laconic origin, 
fetched the highest prices, a pound of double-dyed Tyrian wool 
being sold at 1,000 denarii (about £43), while a pound of the 
above-mentioned violet-amethyst-purple wool cost only £15. 

At first only the broad or narrow hems of togas and tunicas 
(worn by senators, magistrates, and knights) were coloured with 



genuine purple (blatta) ; those of private persons being dyed with 
an imitation purple. The white toga, with a hem of genuine 
purple, remained the official dress of certain magistrates ; but as 
early as the last years of the Republic it became the fashion 
amongst men to wear entire purple togas. The first to wear one 
of these as the sign of highest dignity was Julius Caesar, who, 
like several successive emperors, tried to stem the luxurious habit 
by restrictive laws ; which, however, became soon disregarded. 
The wearing of genuine purple, however, remained the exclusive 
privilege of the emperors. Even women were punished for 
infringing this law, as were also merchants for trafficking in the 
genuine article. 

After being woven the materials of the dresses were further 
prepared with needle and scissors, as is sufficiently proved by the 
cut of most of the underdresses, particularly of the paenula and 
tunica. Most of the Greek dresses were worn unsewed. In 
Rome each wealthy household counted amongst its slaves several 
tailors (vestiarii, pcenularii) . The existence of guilds of professional 
tailors is established beyond doubt. The guilds of fullers and 
dyers carried on two important trades connected with clothing. 
The old Greek custom for kings' daughters to superintend 
personally the cleaning of clothes was, if ever imitated by the 
Roman ladies of noble families, soon abandoned by them. The 
cleaning, moreover, of the white woollen materials chiefly worn 
amongst the Romans required arti- 
ficial means. For this purpose the 
guild of the fullers (fullones) was 
established at an early period ; like 
that of the cloth-weavers {collegium 
textorum panni), it did a large and 
profitable business. The shop and 
the work of a fuller are illustrated 
by the remains of a fullery (ful- 
lonica) found at Pompeii, and also 
by several paintings on its walls 
(see Figs. 472 and 473). Near the back wall are four large tanks 
consisting of masonry, and connected with each other, but on a 
different level, in order to let the water run from the highest to 
the lowest. A raised platform runs along these tanks, which one 


A fuller's works flop. 

ascends on several steps. To the right of it He six small 
compartments destined, most likely, to receive the washing-tubs. 
To the right of the peristylium there is, moreover, a vaulted 
chamber containing a large tub and a stone table to beat the 
clothes on. Large quantities of soap have been found in this 
apartment, which was the washing-room proper. On one of the 
corner pillars of the peristylium four wall-paintings have been 

discovered illustrative of 
the work of a fuller. In 
the first (Fig. 472) we 
see, standing in niches, 
several tubs filled with 
water, in the centre one 
of which a fuller is tread- 
ing on the clothes, for 
the purpose of cleaning 
them ; in the tubs on 
both sides (we only re- 
produce part of the pic- 
ture) two other men are 
occupied in pulling the 
clothes out of the water, and in rubbing off such stains as may 
remain on them. After this the clothes were once more rinsed 
with pure water, to remove the nitre or urine frequently used in 
fulling. The other picture (Fig. 473) introduces us to a different 
part of the fullery. In the background a workman is brushing 
a white dress with a purple hem which hangs over a pole ; on 
the right another workman approaches with a frame resem- 
bling a hen-coop, across which the clothes were drawn for the 
purpose of sulphuration ; the vessel carried by the man most 
likely contains the necessary sulphur. On the top of the frame the 
bird of Athene Ergane, the goddess of industry, has appropriately 
been placed. In the foreground is the seated figure of a richly 
dressed woman, who seems to examine a piece of cloth given to 
her by a young work-girl. The third picture, not here repro- 
duced, shows the drying- chamber, with pieces of cloth hung on 
poles for drying. A fourth picture shows a press with two 
screws, for the final preparation of the cloth. 

96. With regard to Roman head-coverings of men we have 

Fia:. 473. 



little to add to our remarks about Greek bats (see § 43, Fig. 222) . 
Most of the forms there shown also occur amongst the Romans. 
The Roman, like the Greek, generally wore his head uncovered, 
the toga pulled over the back part of the head being sufficient 
shelter in case of need. The pileus and petasus, however, were 
worn by the poorer working- classes continually 
exposed to the weather, and by rich people on 
journeys or at public games as a protection from 
the sun. The pileus was occasionally replaced by 
the hood {cucullus, cucullio), introduced into Rome 
from northern countries, most .likely from Gaul, 
IsTorth Italy, and Dalmatia. The cucullus was 
either fastened to the psenula or lacerna like 
the cowl of a monk, or it was worn as a separate 
article of dress. A cucullus of the latter kind, 
covering head and body down to the knees, is 
worn in a bas-relief by a traveller who is just settling his bill 
with the hostess of his inn ("Bullet. Napoletano," YI. 1) ; the 
smaller cucullus is worn in a wall-painting by several persons at 
a rural feast (Fig. 474) . 

The custom of leaving the head uncovered naturally led to a 
careful treatment of the hair. According to Varro, Romans used 
to wear long hair and long floating beards covering chin and 
cheeks till the year 454 of the city. At that time the first barbers 
(tonsores) came to Rome from Sicily ; Scipio Africanus is said to 
have been the first Roman who had himself shaved (radere) with 
a razor (novacula) every day. The fashion of wearing the hair 
cropped short seems to have made slow progress, and only 
amongst the higher classes. The hair was either worn in wavy 
locks, or it was arranged in short curls (cincinni) by means of a 
curling-iron resembling a reed, and for that reason called 
calamistrum ; the slaves charged with this manipulation were 
called ciniflones. The different ways of wearing the hair become 
apparent from a comparison of the numerous male portrait-heads 
occurring on coins and statues. " Swells ,J> of the period of moral 
decline managed to twist their hair into all kinds of unnatural 
shapes. A common fashion was, for example, to wear curls 
arranged in several steps (coma in gracilis formata), such as 
found on the head of M. Antonius at Venice. Of the Emperor 



Gallienus it is told that he had his hair powdered with gold-dust. 
About the beginning of the Empire it was a common custom, 
both amongst men and women, to wear false hair (capillamentum) , 
either to hide bald places or to give a fuller appearance to the 
natural hair. Sometimes also hair was painted on the bald head, 
so as to produce the semblance of short hair, at least at a distance 
(compare Martial's Epigram, VI. 57). The close-cropped hair 
seems to have been the fashion from the time of the Emperor 
Macrinus to that of Constantine. 

Full beards became again the fashion about the time of 
Hadrian. Up to the time of Constantine an uninterrupted series 
of portrait-heads of emperors on coins yields excellent information 
with regard to these matters ; afterwards the type of the coins 
degenerates. Between the reigns of the two above-mentioned 
emperors the heads appear with full beards, with only a few 
exceptions, as, for instance, the heads of Elagabalus, Balbinus, 
Philippus the younger, and Hostilianus, which are always 
represented with smooth chins. Barber-shops (tomtrina) were 
naturally of frequent occurrence amongst the Romans. They 
were the gathering-places of all idlers and the centres of town- 
gossip in Italy, as well as in Greece. They were well furnished 
with razors (novacula), tongs (volsella) to pull out the hairs of the 
beard, scissors (axisia), several pomatums to destroy the hair in 
certain places, combs (pecten), curling-irons (calamistrum) , mirrors 
(speculum), towels, &c. The small so-called barber's shop in the 
street of Mercury at Pompeii, next to the fullonica, can, it is 
true, not have accommodated many persons at a time ; but, most 
likely, the establishments in the capital were on a larger and 
more splendid scale. 

Women do not seem to have worn hats ; they generally pulled 
their palla over the back of their heads (see Fig. 470). Still 
more picturesque was the veil fastened to the top of the head 
(Fig. 471), and dropping over neck and back in graceful folds. 
The mitra was a cloth wound round the head in the manner of a 
cap ; it resembled the Greek sakkos, and served to keep the hair 
in its position (see the servant, Fig. 471 ; and Fig. 232, where 
the woman sacrificing in front of the bridal chamber wears the 
sakkos). This cap frequently consisted of the bladder of an 
animal ; it never reached higher than the top of the head ; 



the front hair was always arranged in graceful wavy lines. A 
more handsome head-covering was the net made of gold thread 
(reticulum), also worn by Greek and indeed by our modern ladies 
(see Fig. 473, where the seated female wears it). 

More variegated were the ways of dressing the hair as illus- 
trated by the numerous female statues of imperial times. Ovid 
remarks " that the different ways of dressing the hair in Rome 
were equal in number to the acorns of a many -branched oak, 
to the bees of the Hybla, to the game on the Alps, every new day 
adding to the number." Compared with this variety even the 
numerous hair-dresses appearing on coins, representing empresses, 
ladies of the imperial court, or private persons, seem few in 
number. At the same time they are representative of the leading 
fashions. In the first centuries of the Republic the hair was 
arranged in a simple graceful manner, in accordance with the 
general character of the dress. The long hair, either parted or 
unparted, was combed back in wavy lines, and plaited or tied in 
a knot {crines in nodum vincti, crines ligati), sometimes arranged 
round the top of the head like a crown, at others fastened low 
down the neck by means of ribbons or clasps (see the daughter 
standing by the mother's side, Fig. 471). Another fashion was 
to arrange the hair round the head in long curls, or to arrange the 
front hair in thick plaits, connecting it with the back hair, &c. 
The form of the face and the taste of the lady naturally were 
decisive in this matter (compare Ovid, "Ars Amat.," III. 137 
et seq.). Married ladies were, at least in earlier times, excluded 
from this licence ; they always used to arrange their hair in a 
high toupe, called tutulus, fastened on the top of the head by 
means of ribbons. This, at least, seems to us the right 
explanation of the description of the tutulus by Yarro (VII. 44) : 
" Tutulus appellator ab eo quod matres familias crines convolutos ad 
verticem capitis quos habent vitta velatos, dicebantur tutuli, sive ab eo 
quod id tuendi causa capilli fiebat, sive ab eo quod altissimum in urbe 
quod est, arx, tutissimum vocatur. )y Perhaps the arrangement of 
the mother's hair in Fig. 471 ought to be described as a tutulus 
fastened with gold rings instead of ribbons. The original simple 
and beautiful arrangement of the hair was soon superseded by 
fantastic structures of natural and artificial hair, justly described 
by Juvenal (YI. 502) as ''towers of many stories." Hair- 



Fig. 475. 

dressing became a science, and occupied a considerable part of a 
fashionable lady's time. Special maid-servants were employed 
for tbe purpose, whose naked arms frequently had to suffer the 
pricks of the needle of the fastidious beauty, who perhaps all the 
while seemed to listen to the speeches of philosophers and 
rhetoricians. Amongst the numerous heads illustrating the hair- 
fashions of imperial times we have chosen the portraits of three 
empresses (Fig. 475), viz., those of Sabina, wife of Hadrian (a), 
of Annia Galeria Faustina, wife of Antoninus Pius (b), and of 

Julia Domna, wife of 
Septimius Sever us (c). 
The natural hair was 
frequently insufficient 
for the tower-like coif- 
fures, and the want had 
to be supplied either 
by false plaits or by com- 
plete wigs. Even plas- 
tic art imitated this cus- 
tom by adding to the head a removable marble hair-dress, which 
could be replaced by a new one according to fashion. In the Royal 
Collection of Antiques, Berlin, there is a bust with movable hair, 
ascribed to Lucilla. The custom of dyeing their hair became com- 
mon amongst Roman ladies at an early period. As early as Cato's 
time the Greek custom of dyeing the hair a reddish-yellow 
colour had been introduced in Rome ; caustic soap (spuma caustica, 
also called spuma Batam), made of tallow and ashes, was imported 
from Gaul for the purpose. The long wars of the Romans with 
the Germans engendered amongst Roman ladies a predilection 
for the blond hair of German women (flavce comes) ; this hair 
became, in consequence, a valuable merchandise : Roman ladies 
used to hide their own hair under fair wigs of German 

We have already mentioned the numerous pomatums and 
balsams used for dressing and scenting the hair, by both men 
and women. Cicero speaks of the demoralised companions of 
Catilina as shining with ointments. Kriton, the body-physician 
of the Empress Plotina, gives in his work on " Cosmetics " the 
receipts of twenty -five different pomatums and scents. 



Ribbons and pins served at once to fasten and adorn the 
hair. These ribbons (worn, for instance, by the daughter 
standing by the mother's side, Fig. 471) were adorned with 
pearls and jewels ; frequently they were replaced by a ring of 
thin gold or gold thread (see the hair of the mother and the 
bride, Fig. 471). Strings of pearls also were tied up with the 
hair (see the hair-dress of the Empress Sabina, Fig. 475, a), 
with the addition of a stephane studded with jewels (Fig. 475, a, b). 
Not the least graceful adornment of the hair were the wreaths, 
consisting either of leaves of flowers joined together (cor once 
sutiles) or of branches with leaves and blossoms (cor once plexites). 
In a wall-painting of Pompeii ("Mus. Borb./' vol. iv., Tav. 47) 
we see four Cupids sitting round a table, occupied in arranging 
wreaths and garlands. 

Hair-pins, made of metal or ivory, have been found in great 
numbers and varieties. We reproduce (Fig. 476, a, b, c, h, i, k) 
some of the more grace- 
ful ones worked in 
ivory, one of which (c) 
shows Venus rising 
from the sea and strok- 
ing back her wet hair, 
a common subject of 
antique sculpture. Fig. 
476, e, shows a poma- 
tum-box with a reclin- 
ing Cupid in bas-relief 
represented on it ; f } a bronze comb (pecten), which was used (as by 
the Greeks) only to comb, never to fasten, the hair. A very elegant 
bronze comb adorned with coloured stones was found some time 
ago near Aigle, and is at present in the museum of Lausanne. 
Combs made of box or ivory are preserved in many of our museums. 

We have given (§ 46) a comprehensive account of the sandals, 
the boots, and the shoes used amongst the Greeks. The same 
remarks apply essentially also to Roman foot-coverings ; little 
remains to be added. The equivalent of the Greek sandal is the 
Roman solea (worn by the mother, Fig. 471). They were worn 
by men and women at home, and on all occasions where the 
official toga did not require a corresponding foot-dress. At table 

Fig. 476. 



the soles were taken off, for which reason the two expressions. 
demere soleas and poscere soleas, are synonymous with lying down 
to, and getting up from, table. It is, however, unlikely that even 
in older times the Romans ever appeared in public with naked 
feet, as is told of the Greeks. The solea, like the tunica and 
lacernae, belonged to private life ; the official toga required the 
corresponding calceus, a closed high shoe resembling our ladies' 
boots. Calcei are frequently worn by male and female statues. 
Official distinctions were, however, made. The calceus fastened 
to the ankle and calf with four strings {corrigice), and, moreover, 
adorned with a crescent-shaped piece of ivory (lunula) on the top 
of the foot, was most likely worn by senators, being, in that 
case, identical with the black calceus senatorius, as distinguished 
from the calceus patricius or mulleus. The mulleus, made of red 
leather, and with a high sole like a cothurnus, was originally 
worn by the kings of Alba, but afterwards adopted by the 
patricians : it reached up to the calf ; little hooks (malleoli) were 
attached to its back leather for the purpose of fastening the laces. 
The calceus was cleaned with a sponge, as is proved by the bronze 
statuette (in the late Hertz collection) of an Ethiopian slave 
occupied in that manner.* 

Besides the calceus, we find on statues numerous varieties of 
the sandal, and also a sort of stocking tied with laces from the 
instep to the calf; the name of the latter is entirely unknown to 
us ; it appears frequently on the warlike statues of emperors, the 
upper borders, made of cloth or leather, being adorned with the 
heads of lions and other animals, worked most likely in metal (see, 
for instance, the statues of Caesar, Tiberius, Caligula, Yitellius, 
Hadrian, and others, in Clarac, "Musee," pi. 891 et seq.). The 
just-mentioned combination of toga and calceus has, however, not 
always been preserved by the artists : the statues, for instance, of 
Cicero in the museum of Yenice, of Sulla at Florence, and of 
M. Claudius Marcellus in the Huseo Chiaramonti, wear sandals ; 
while, on the other hand, the statue of Balbus in the Museo 
Borbonico, and many other portrait-statues, correctly wear calcei 
with the toga. 

The caliga was a sort of military boot